REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
TEMPORARY
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
STENOGRAPHIC NOTES
First special session
(unredacted and unauthorized)
National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia
in the Eleventh Convocation
(Second day of work)
01 Broj 06-2/164-18
August 10, 2016
Beograd
(The session started at 10.00:XNUMX a.m. The session is presided over by Maja Gojković, President of the National Assembly.)
BALINT PASTOR: Ladies and gentlemen, future members of the Government, ladies and gentlemen, parliamentarians, presidents of the National Assembly, let me say at the outset that the parliamentary group SVM - PDD will vote for the election of Mr. Vučić's government.
We listened to the exposé yesterday, but before I say a few sentences about the exposé, the objectives of the exposé, let me look back a little at the work of the previous Government. We from SVM also supported that government and participated in its work at the level of state secretaries.
Republican elections were held a few months ago. Legitimacy checked. These days, a Government will be formed, which will consist of the same parties that supported or formed the previous Government, except for PDD, which will now be part of the ruling majority for the first time.
Now practically all ideas that have support among the citizens of the Republic of Serbia are present in the parliament. Here I am referring to the fact that many more parties entered the current convocation of the National Assembly than was the case in the previous mandate, and this is certainly good for the representativeness of the National Assembly, but as I said, the Government will be made up of the same parties that made it up in the previous mandate.
What is the main or most important result of the previous Government, and at the same time, what do we expect from the future Government? That's stability. The previous Government managed to preserve both political and economic stability, which is not always easy in this region of ours, and this is certainly the most important result of the previous Government and it is a condition for all conditions, and economic prosperity and the continuation of negotiations with the EU and the resolution of all those issues and problems which are important in the lives of citizens of the Republic of Serbia.
As for the previous government, that government was characterized by courage, honesty and openness. We think that it cannot and must not be said otherwise, that this is the way to approach solving the problem. Chapters 23, 24, 32 and 35 with the EU have been opened.
What is of first-class importance for us is the adoption of the so-called or a special Action Plan regarding the position of national minorities, and that is one document that will be the task plan of the future government, as regards this topic of protecting the rights and freedoms of members of national minorities. It is very important that this document was adopted before the parliamentary elections were called, and in the previous months certain priorities from this document were already implemented, and we expect that in the coming period as well.
Regarding the cooperation of SNS and SVM and other parties that formed the previous government of the Republic of Serbia, I would like to highlight several concrete achievements. First of all, collective guilt was abolished and this principle was eliminated from the legal system of the Republic of Serbia after several decades. This was done by canceling two decisions from 1945. This is certainly important because Hungarians who are citizens of the Republic of Serbia could consider Serbia as their homeland to a greater extent, because in previous decades, Hungarians were treated as collective culprits for some events of several decades ago. Such a principle cannot survive in the legal system of a European state in the 21st century, but there was no political courage in previous years under previous governments to eliminate this collective guilt from our legal system. That was done two years ago.
In addition, frameworks were created for proportional employment of members of national minorities and keeping a register of employees in the public administration, taking into account the nationality of employees, which is a prerequisite for the realization of the principle from Article 77 of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia regarding the proportional employment of members of national minorities.
In addition, certain projects that are very important for us were financed, for which there was no money in some previous terms of office, in some previous years, and I am primarily referring to the financing of the construction or reconstruction of the building of the National Theater in Subotica, which was done in the previous two years with a total of 90 million dinars, and this was done after seven years. In those previous seven years, previous governments did not fulfill their contractual obligations based on that project.
The second project, which is not only important for the people of Subotica, only for that region, only for Vojvodina, but for all citizens of the Republic of Serbia, to some extent and in some way, is the so-called epsilon branch or bypass around Subotica and with 197 million dinars in 2015, the construction of that project was financed again after several years. This is only 10% of the required funds, but we expect that during the mandate of the Government, which will be elected within a few days, that project will be completed after about 30 years.
I said that this project is important, in some way and to some extent, for all citizens of the Republic of Serbia, and not only for that region. Because Subotica and that region, due to its geographical position, are very important from an economic point of view. It needs a highway, a border crossing to connect with a free zone, a logistics center, etc. And it is simply not normal that these big tow trucks pass through the very center of Subotica for decades, which also leads to damage to houses.
Some projects in the field of railway infrastructure have also been launched. Of course, first of all, I am thinking of the railway Belgrade - Budapest, but also the railway Szeged - Subotica - Baja, and those railways will lead to economic prosperity in those parts of the Republic of Serbia and beyond.
We faced some challenges in the previous period, and I am primarily referring to the migrant crisis. The migrant crisis was the only topic that we looked at in a different way compared to the other parties that made up the Government of the Republic of Serbia, but I think it is for the understandable reason that the citizens of the city of Subotica, the municipality of Kanjiž and other municipalities in the north of Vojvodina were in the greatest measure, in addition to the people of Belgrade, faced with that problem.
We heard in the exposition yesterday that in the previous period, about 700 thousand migrants passed through our territory. That is 10% of the population of the Republic of Serbia. That's an awfully big number. I know that Serbia is not responsible for that, nor can it be. I know that this is a terribly difficult question, but I would again appeal to the Government, and the future one, as I did a year ago, to put the safety of the citizens of the Republic of Serbia in the first place.
Leaving the country is also a big problem, and we heard clear sentences about it yesterday, and about some plans related to that problem. I think that the task of all of us is to create a society or a state from which people will not run away, where they will stay, start a family, where they will see the future, and that is why we want to contribute, in a modest way, to the work of the future Government, as we did that in the previous period.
Regarding the exposé and some specific things from the exposé, we extremely welcome the plan regarding solving the issue of selling agricultural land to foreigners. We have talked about it on several occasions and in some previous mandates, we did not encounter any great degree of understanding. Simply, agricultural land as a resource should be protected in the same way as some other countries that entered the EU before us did.
We certainly support Serbia trying to get at least seven or 12 years to maintain the existing national provision that limits the sale of agricultural land to foreigners. Some progress was made in the previous mandate when the National Assembly amended the Law on Agricultural Land and we believe that certain restrictive conditions should be prescribed for the acquisition of agricultural land that would apply to both domestic and foreign persons. Here, above all, I mean a certain number of years, residence and farming as a condition for acquiring ownership rights over agricultural land. We fully support what we heard in the exposition.
What was not discussed, I will stay on the topic of agriculture for a short time, are contributions for the mandatory social insurance of agricultural producers. We talked about it in the previous period. An interdepartmental Working Group was also formed during the last mandate. The Law on Compulsory Social Security Contributions must be amended. Of course, contributions should be paid.
Regardless of who declares himself as a leftist, rightist, social democrat or conservative, the Government's policy should certainly be fair.
We cannot say that the Government's policy on this matter is fair if the same amount should be paid by an agricultural producer who has one hectare of land and one who has 100 thousand hectares of land, and that is the case today. This must be changed in such a way that the one who owns more, the one who earns higher income pays a higher rate, or a higher amount of contribution, and the one who cultivates a smaller area of agricultural land should pay the same, but the amount of contribution should be in accordance with the achieved income. We are advocating for this and we hope that the work on this issue will continue and that we will find a solution that will lead to not less revenue in the budget of the Republic of Serbia, but to make the system fairer in this regard.
Regarding agriculture, I hope that the regulation on small agricultural producers will be adopted. A public hearing was held in the previous mandate and that regulation should enable small producers to produce, process and market their products in accordance with the provisions of the Food Safety Act.
Regarding infrastructure, we heard in the exposition that in 2015, our railway network transported 17 million passengers and 12 million cargo. These are certainly positive and encouraging data, but we also know that rail traffic is being canceled on some regional and local lines. We advocate for the survival of those railways and that economy should not be the only criterion. Local self-governments should participate in financing the survival of those railways, but it would certainly not be good if the lines used by citizens were to be abolished en masse, primarily it would not be good from a social aspect, because we know that rail transport is the cheapest.
I mentioned the reconstruction of the Baja-Subotica-Szegedin railway, I hope that funds will be found for that project, as well as for the continuation of the construction of the epsilon branch, which was also discussed. It would be good if an intermodal logistics center was built near Subotica, and the development of Palić as a tourist destination is of prime importance for us. Today, Palić is one of the most important and most beautiful tourist destinations in the Republic of Serbia. The potential has not been used, it needs to be invested and I am sure that we will find a partner for that in the Government of the Republic of Serbia.
As for road crossings, during the mandate of the previous government, a declaration of intent was signed, on the comprehensive development of infrastructure links between the Republic of Serbia and Hungary. There are very good concrete things there. It would be good if certain border crossings would start working from 0-24, I am primarily thinking of Horgoš 2, the Djala border crossing, Bačke Vinograde, maybe also the Horgoš border crossing. We all know in these summer months how crowded it is at the Kelebija border crossing, at the Horgoš border crossing. This should be relieved and this can be done if the working hours of other border crossings are extended.
Regarding culture, I mentioned the importance of completing the construction or reconstruction of the National Theater building in Subotica. I hope that the next three budget years will be completed, that both the province and the City of Subotica will service their obligations, as will the Republic. In that case, that very important project will be completed.
As for education, the mandate holder said that he expects the cooperation of the national councils with the Ministry of Education. As for the National Council of the Hungarian National Minority, if I may say on their behalf, and I believe I can also on behalf of the other national councils, they will be open to that cooperation, the processes of partial transfer of the founding rights of certain primary schools should be completed. The methodology of learning the Serbian language is a big problem. According to these plans and programs, it is impossible to learn the Serbian language at school, I assure you that responsibly. First of all, for those national communities whose mother tongue differs to a greater extent from the Serbian language, the plans and programs need to be reformed, and some progress has been made there, but those plans and programs, which have been unchanged for 20, 30 years, must be changes and in this, I am sure, the national councils of national minorities will be partners, as they have been until now.
Regarding education, let me also say that we have to solve the problem of classes with a small number of students. It is a global problem, but it is extremely sensitive for members of national minorities. I'll speed up, as I'm running out of time.
As far as social issues are concerned, we strongly support the plan to include the able-bodied beneficiaries of social assistance in the work process through work activation. That's certainly fair as it should be. The regulation was adopted in the previous mandate. We are also in favor of amending the Law on Social Protection...
(President: Time.)
I'm finishing up. In order to deny the opportunity to multiple returnees in the commission of criminal acts to receive assistance. We will support the Government and in the coming days we will sign the coalition agreement.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Deputy Velimir Stanojević has the floor.
VELIMIR STANOJEVIĆ: Honorable Speaker of the Parliament, respected Mr. Vučić, ladies and gentlemen, members of the Government, colleagues and fellow MPs, the NS parliamentary group will vote for the new Government and we will do so for several reasons.
One of the reasons is because the NS has been in coalition with the SNS as the backbone of this government since the beginning. We will do it because we were part of the executive power from 2012 until today, that is, we participated in the work of this government, and we will do it because the government from 2014 to 2016, in the previous two years, created opportunities and hope for citizens Serbia.
We will support the Government, which is practically a continuation of the previous Government. We will support her because, as we often say, you can see the light at the end of the tunnel. This government found a really difficult situation both in public finances and in all other segments of society. This government deserves to be trusted because, even in the previous period, it was first of all honest with the citizens of Serbia and announced that we will adopt uncompromising measures, bold measures, and measures that will bring order to the country, and that will ultimately create the conditions for this to be one a modern and democratic country.
We are often in a situation when it comes to sports or some other segments of society to say that this is a historical moment. I will not use that term, but in the next four-year period before this government, Mr. Vučić, as you yourself know, there are big problems ahead, a lot of work, a lot of sacrifices. Unfortunately, it is still difficult to live in this country, but the citizens respected the sincerity of this government, the sincerity of the ruling coalition, they knew what was waiting for them, and finally I think that at the end of the mandate of this government, all of us together as partners in this work will be able to say that the citizens of Serbia they live better.
This government has a mission to bring this country to the door of the EU, I personally do not belong to any extreme Euro fanatics, but the very fact that the biggest investments in this country are precisely from the EU countries, that we export the most to the EU, that geographically we are where we are, we simply belong family of European nations and our place is in the EU.
First of all, now and in recent years we have only gained the fact that we are the leader and the most stable country with the fastest growth in the region. But what I want to say is the specificity of the formation of this Government, which was not the case when we elected the previous ones, we always had amendments to the Law on the Government and Ministries before that, so the number of ministries with the same names remained the same.
Let this not be my remark, but simply a suggestion, and since you, Mr. Vučić, have announced that either during the rebalancing or when the new Budget Law for 2017 is passed, you will change the Law on the Government and Ministries, some of my observations if I I have been following the past 15 years, and that is the segment of environmental protection. You know what problems and challenges await us in Chapter 27 in EU accession. You know how many objections there were to the situation in the Environmental Protection Sector, admittedly, it is now somewhat changed and somewhat better.
But let me just remind you that ecology, or as we call it, environmental protection. In the last 15 years, it has been transferred from the Ministry of Health to the Ministry of Science and Technological Development, to the Directorate for Environmental Protection, at one point even within spatial planning. If something is good, then it is good that this sector, as in the previous period, will be within the Ministry of Agriculture, which I personally think is the most logical if it should be somewhere, but regardless of whether environmental protection was a separate Ministry in perspective or in within a Ministry, we should all fight together so that it does not become that secondary segment within a department.
When I already mention agriculture and environmental protection, I am now speaking as a member of the Committee for Agriculture, Forestry and Water Management, we sent a conclusion to the Government that the Ministry of Agriculture, in addition to agriculture, bears the same name as before - water management and forestry, as very important segments of this entire department.
You yourself spoke yesterday about all the problems we have in the water industry due to the poor condition of the water industry facilities, that we had catastrophic floods. Admittedly, much more developed countries than us, such as France or Germany, have this, but I believe that by investing, admittedly, a lot of money, we can bring this segment to such a level that even those natural disasters that can be prevented can be regulated.
The fact is that the fiscal situation is far better. The fact is that stability is ensured, stability is ensured in the country and prosperity is ensured. Certainly, in the coming period, the focus will be on the economic development of the country, employment, and I see this primarily through three or four segments. These are energy, agriculture, tourism and, of course, the condition of all that is the development of transport infrastructure.
When we talk about agriculture, I think that since the introduction of the multi-party system, Mr. Nedimović will be the 19th or 20th minister of agriculture, I don't know exactly, but I want to say that the mandates of the previous ministers of agriculture were short, but I don't see that as a personal problem but the problem of the big problem in which our agrarian is.
We always say at the beginning of every campaign or the beginning of a new government that agriculture is something in which we can compete with the world, that it is our export opportunity, which of course it is if it participates with 10% of GDP, if it participates with over 20% in exports, employs 20 % of working age population. We have to admit that our agricultural production is very specific, that even if this country is relatively small in terms of surface area, it is characterized by different specificities when it comes to agricultural production, that farming in Leskovac, Subotica, Bečej or Pešter is completely different.
What we did not do in the previous period, we dealt with strategic matters, strategic decisions in the field of agriculture, we did not bring about the rezoning of agricultural production, where after that the state will have the opportunity to specifically stimulate those productions that can give the best yields and the best benefits in a given area . Of course, all that takes time, but I say, along with the other strategic documents, I think that rezoning is one of the key problems where we can achieve high yields in agriculture. In general, our agriculture is characterized by extensive production, i.e. production with a low level of yield per unit area. Not to mention that our machinery and tractors are on average over 20 years old, that our farms and households are fragmented.
I welcome the future Government's decision to focus on small and medium-sized farms. These are simply small factories in the countryside that employ people, they are small family businesses, but of course we need to help them, not so that the primary agricultural product, i.e. raw material, is our main export item, but to strengthen the processing capacity, and with that, of course, the renewal of mechanization and everything else .
I welcome the idea of financing young farmers who stay in the countryside. I welcome the idea that 60% of the budget is co-financed for the purchase of machinery and other equipment, such as the construction of processing capacities, but with the remark that the Ministry of Agriculture and all other services, above all I am thinking of the Ministry of Finance to some extent ease these procedures, because it is still such that our farmers often give up when they see what they have to do in order to get some incentive in the form of mechanization or something similar.
There were a lot of objections due to the reduction of subsidies per unit area. However, here we are simply in a dilemma whether to finance it - in some way consumption or shall we finance investments? I am always in favor of investments.
When we talk about tourism, I am glad that we have Exit, that we have Guča, but with all due respect, these are manifestations that last two or three days, but Mr. Vučić, I was sincerely happy when I saw you at Golubac Fortress. It is a destination that can be visited at least 365 days a year, but that is why we should also work on modernizing our spas. We should know that we have unknown spas and unknown springs, that Serbia literally lies on geothermal waters, from the extreme south of Serbia to the north of Bačka, that we have not used it at all, and that we can use it for the purpose of developing tourism and for the purpose of heating, but also for the purpose of agricultural production.
What is the condition of all conditions is the traffic infrastructure. He is happy that in the previous period the works on corridors 10 and 11 were intensified. Of course, we should acknowledge all those who started there and who participated in all that. Yesterday I understood the justification of your anger that the section of Corridor 11 from Preljina to Ljig will not be opened on August 25 but in October, but if it's any consolation to you, where August is, October is also there. I think that the citizens of Western Serbia had the opportunity to get that highway much earlier, but then the concession for the Horgoš-Požega highway was overturned by political will.
In my opinion, it is not important, that is, it is important, but a measure should be found, whether it will be a concession, whether it will be built from a loan, but certainly the citizens of western Serbia could have received that highway a few years earlier. At that time it was said that it is a road that leads to nothing, and in perspective, with the construction of the Moravian Corridor from Preljina to Pojat, around a million people live in that area. development of this country.
At the very end, what was a little unclear yesterday, Mr. Vučić, and now I speak as someone who was the mayor of Čačak for almost nine years, you talked about the state of finances in local self-governments and you mentioned some examples of negative practices. I would not like to put all local governments and all responsible people, and there are probably a lot of them, who seriously did their jobs, into the same basket. So, there are those who borrowed three budgets in advance, and there are also those who left liquid budgets, that is, spent as much as they had. I welcome the idea of influencing the financial control and other mechanisms so that it can no longer be done, but it remains unclear to me - do you intend to change the Law on Financing of Local Self-Government, or did I not understand it well, and in what direction?
At the very end, in just one sentence, let me touch on sports. We are last year, that is. the day before last, they passed a new Law on Sports, but in my opinion, it did not define what is basic, which is the financing of sports. I know it's a big mouthful, but I just want to tell you that our sports brands Partizan and Zvezda can find sponsors, but some small clubs in the interior are finding it increasingly difficult to do so. I think it is necessary to finally pass the Law on Sports that will define the financing of sports. Is it privatization, is it a public-private partnership, I would not like to go into that right now, but let me say that sport is something that Serbia is known for and until we define the financing of sports, we can also build athletic halls and sports halls. but I'm afraid that young people, talented people will go to play somewhere maybe outside this country, because the clubs simply won't be able to finance themselves.
At the very end, I wish you much success in your work. There are great challenges ahead of you. In the parliamentary group of New Serbia, you will always have a loyal coalition partner who will support all your ideas. In the previous mandate and as part of the ruling coalition, we submitted a large number of amendments, not to harm the Government, but simply because we had a good intention to improve those laws, and very often our amendments were adopted. With all that, I wish you a lot of luck. No matter how much a person works, how hard he tries, there must be luck in every job. In 2014, at the beginning of your mandate, you were unlucky, you had a hundred-year flood. I hope that will not happen, but I am sure that this composition of your cabinet will meet all the requirements and that Serbia will become a modern, democratic country, a country that will be desirable to live in, especially for young people. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Aleksandar Vučić speaks. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: I would like to answer a few questions.
First, Mr. Pastor, I expect and believe that we will sign this agreement, as we have done every time, and we will not run away from our commitments and our words. You mentioned what was started, the epsilon branch is an important thing, not only for the Hungarians in the north of Vojvodina and in the north of Bačka, it is important for the whole of Serbia. It is also important for our investors, if you will, especially for people from the industrial zone, because almost all of them from Kontinental to Swarovski told me that they have problems because of passing through the city center, and especially those who have larger quantities of goods, because they lose a lot time, waste both on fuel and on everything else. So, that is one of the things, although it is difficult for us to allocate money because of many projects.
It usually sounds nice, as you and your people who are in the Government of Serbia know very well, usually everyone says - put it in, write it to be done, and then the money is missing. We witnessed that. We used to have scheduled projects for 25 billion. Serbia cannot fulfill that, Serbia cannot do that. At this moment, if I am not mistaken, Vujović, we have 3,6 billion and we are in a problem because of that. Of course, we know that it won't be finished in a year, that it won't be finished in two years, but we are telling you that, with all the reductions we have made, we still have uncovered everything we talked about.
I'll tell you, I looked at the IRS report this morning. Unfortunately, everyone in Serbia, everyone involved in politics, but also those who are not involved in politics, are waiting for Serbia to complete the roads, for the state to complete the schools, for the state to pay the teachers. We spend more on education than many other countries. But, in fact, we do not allocate for education, we allocate only for salaries, because we have a larger number of executors than countries, even twice as many as countries with a similar population. I tell you the same about the roads. I saw the joy of the hosts, the peasants, Mr. Stanojević, in Dragačevo, in Goračići, where we made the road, and in many such places. But, people think that the state can do it literally in every village, which is not realistic, although in the last two years we have really done more than ever. I don't know who is to blame for that and I don't know who is to blame from before or from today, but the finances were simply arranged, so we were able to. I used to hear from Mrkonjić about Europolis, etc., when we all dreamed and fantasized about how to put Belgrade on the water, etc.
So, I want to tell you that many ideas have existed before, but the money was lacking. Well, now and about this. So people just have to take care, corridors 10 and 11 are an absolute priority. Yes, we could have worked and finished much earlier, but we didn't. Every time we said we would do it. Construction through the Sićevačka gorge is very complicated, construction through the Grdelica gorge is very complicated. You know that we now have problems in two tunnels on the road Preljina - Ljig. So, we would open it on August 25, but we can open one pipe, we cannot open both pipes, and therefore we will not even open something that is incomplete, even if it is only incomplete for those thousand meters of those tunnels. But the promise was not fulfilled, that it would be on August 25.
I know that it is a small difference, whether it will be in a month and a half or two, and that it is not terrible for people who have been waiting for 50, 60 and 70 years, but the only question I have is this - why didn't you tell me the truth a month ago and by the day you knew it and then? So that's the question. I know that they work more than was done before and the Azerbaijanis also worked well, much better than many others. The Chinese have now particularly intensified work on the section Lajkovac - Ljig, so that especially Belgraders who go to central and western Serbia near Ćeli can enter the highway in Lajkovac and use all the way to Čačak to go by highway as soon as possible. So, that is more important to us than the section Ub - Obrenovac, which is also being done by the Chinese at the moment, so we asked them to speed up this section because we know that if they build us Ub - Obrenovac, and with all that we have done Ub - Lajkovac, there is little flow of passengers and little traffic on the section from Obrenovac to Lajkovac.
In any case, what I wanted to tell you about the financing of sports, first about the mayor, I said yesterday that there are great people and great mayors. Unfortunately, in order not to make everyone else angry, it is not the majority of mayors or presidents of municipalities. To be very fair, Čačak rarely asked for and received little support and help from the republic's budget. I am grateful for that. Many others have asked for much more, I have given some examples.
You will see today in the discussion, you, as citizens of Serbia, will be ashamed when you see what we did as presidents of municipalities, what we paid and what we made of individual municipalities. Trust me, you will be ashamed and embarrassed. I brought it today just so you can see because it wouldn't occur to a normal person that they could do it, a normal person, not careful, not conscientious, not someone who is sensible and rational, a normal person would not think of it. So you will see that someone takes fictitious accounts that he drank 165 "tuborg" beers at one time in the same pub, at the same time, 165 "tuborg" beers, 132 coffees and then he didn't like that "tuborg" so he drank more 19 other beers. And that was all paid for by the municipality.
I just wanted to tell you that, yes, our intention is to amend the Law on Financing of Local Self-Governments, primarily because we believe that this is a very important condition for obtaining the support of the IMF and the approval of the fifth and sixth revisions of the IMF, which is important for the economic progress of Serbia, and on the other hand, because we think that a part of the money is being spent irrationally, and we are ready, you will see from that, of course, we still need to talk about it with the new minister, if she gets your trust here in the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. So, we need to see, and we will always set aside significantly more for investment investments than what individual municipalities would, but Belgrade will receive the most, you know. Belgrade is proportionally 23% by population, we will take 30-35% of the money that will be taken, because we also give the most to Belgrade. Therefore, we give the most to Belgrade in every way and we are ready to return it through investment investments, but don't just throw away money in the way it has been thrown so far.
One very important thing about thermal springs. We in Serbia currently have around 1.000 thermal springs. We have yet to deal with finding private individuals, giving it to concessions, public-private partnerships, to see what we can do about it because we haven't done anything, and I'm afraid that as soon as we start doing that, you know Serbia too, you know what kind of all the stories would be born and we gave our natural resources, as if they could take the thermal water somewhere or I don't know what, but we will definitely do that.
Regarding the Sports Financing Law, I do not agree with you, or partially disagree with you, Mr. Stanojević. I have heard that question from many sports workers. What is their idea? First of all, I don't think that Zvezda and Partizan can find sponsors, they can't find sponsors. They can't find sponsors, they take from the state because we all have a problem somewhere - come on, solve the problem so that someone doesn't shout: "save Serbia and kill yourself", so that someone doesn't say: "fag", so that someone doesn't say this or that and then everyone roars and everyone is happy about it, and to tell you the truth, we as a country are paying for the racket. We give money, I don't know on what basis we give it. Great, everyone here cheers for Zvezda and Partizan, some have fifty or so, others this many and that percentage of fans and the whole of Serbia cheers for them, but the problem is that we are not fair to the others. Because Vojvodina has the right to be angry, OFK Belgrade and Borac Čačak and Lucani and Milanovac and Kruševac and Ivanjica and everyone else has the right to be angry, but there is something else.
Our idea, that's why we didn't bring it, Mr. Stanojević, because we want to take money from them and not them from us, and you have nothing to take from someone who uses up your contracts until 2018, because he discounted them, took them from bank, the bank took a big commission and so every time. Now let me sign the contract if possible, with Telekom, with NIS, with EPS, with anyone until 2020, we will discount until 2019, so that ordinary people understand, we will spend the money that should have been in advance to receive in 2018 and 2019, because we are not able to earn money on the market. If you are not able to make money in the market, you are going to lose your job. It is easiest to manage state money, and to be a great director and great president and great I don't know what. I think that it is a serious disease of our society from which we will not soon be cured, and I deliberately did not speak about it yesterday because I know that I do not have enough strength, as Prime Minister, and I believe that neither do others to put it into practice.
Therefore, we need privatization in sports. Look when you say - what would the state pay for any club and for Brajkovac and Čibutkovica? If there are people who are interested, let them pay. The state has an obligation to provide physical education, for our children to be healthy, whoever wants to build a club, let him pay. That's his thing. As much as we can spare for everything and it's not a lot of money. Look at Nemanja Matić, our famous football player, I think he plays in England, he has now taken a club in Ubu. He, a guy who still plays, joins Skype every other evening and explains to the children where to run, how to run. He invested his money. He wants to make money from those children. He behaves in a market-like manner, he has seen what business is in Europe, he has seen what business is in the world, and no one is stopping him from doing it, and I wish him all the luck in the world. But he didn't get a single dinar from us, he didn't get a single dinar from the state. There, he arranges the stands there at the "Jedinstvo" stadium in Ubu, if it's "Jedinstvo", maybe I made a mistake and is a man of calculations - I will make a private business. When you need to motivate a kid, let this other footballer, Hazard, come forward, get involved, say, because he cares about them, he wants money, he wants to make money. The problem with us is that they will rip your head off and tell you - someone can own 49%, but we want to be 51%, that we make decisions, but this one gives money. It is not found anywhere in the world.
Imagine Berlusconi who sells to the Chinese or this one who sells to the Thais or I don't know who to tell - I sold it to you, but I want us together with the fans to decide on everything, and you manage, then make money there if you can, and if you don't make money we will replace you. It's a big, big problem here and I don't see a solution at the moment, and anyone who tells me that someone else would solve it, don't tell you what they did and how they took Antić to Zvezda to stop cheering: "Save Serbia!", then pay six million here, then pay five million there, then pay this way, then pay that way. At least I don't pay anyone not to shout: "I'll pull you, faggot!". Shout as much as you want. I won't pay anything for it. But did we do any other things wrong? We are. I'm guilty of that myself.
As far as agriculture is concerned, you are all right, and about water facilities. We have invested more in the past two years than ever before, but it is not enough. We need ten times more. As far as agriculture is concerned, it has been there for 30 years, maybe more, and it is not the fault of the ministers, it is not the fault of the ministers at all, they exist in veterinary medicine and in the Government of Serbia and in the province and at other levels and they are all connected, nobody will do anything to never change. We can't sell pork anywhere, that's why it doesn't pay for anyone to have fattening animals, because we won't give up vaccination for swine fever, which is everywhere in the world. You can't sell any half-breed anywhere in the world if you don't vaccinate against swine fever, but you can't push through in Serbia because they will immediately tell you that you have destroyed the entire livestock production, and this has been going on for years, decades, and I believe that we will do something from that we will be able to change in the following period. I am grateful for your support.
Regarding the highway and gratitude when people will be able to get to Čačak, later to Požega, and even to Zlatibor, Zlatar, Mokra Gora in an hour faster than it is today and incomparably safer and incomparably safer, I am sure that it will be grateful and that they will know that the state has done a job well. That it's easy, it's not easy. Building roads is not an easy job, especially not highways, it is a very complicated construction, expensive construction. So that people know, the cheapest kilometer of highway is five million euros, the cheapest, and somewhere a kilometer of highway costs you even 25 million euros.
In the Sićevačka Klisura, it costs us around 17 to 18 million euros on average. Just keep in mind how much money it is. You need five kilometers, that's already 100 million euros. That's a huge amount of money for the state of Serbia, and people say - hey, why did you go there to open a six-kilometer road, the Grabovnica-Grdelica highway? And how can I explain to you that it costs 100 million euros and how much money that is for the state of Serbia.
Anyway, thanks, and we'll look into fixing this. If you have ideas, especially regarding the financing of sports, they are welcome, but which we can put into practice, because what can I tell you, we all know everything, only that no one in Serbia will do it. That's all I can tell you. Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT: I have the floor, Member of Parliament Nenad Canak. Here you go.
NENAD ČANAK: Thank you very much.
I listened very carefully yesterday to this summary of the presentation of Mr. Vučić, the representative of the new Government of the Republic of Serbia. What I have to note is that this new government is not so new in a certain sense, given the fact that it is made up of a majority of coalition partners who more or less made up the previous government.
In this sense, in order to discuss the new Government, I think it would be correct to speak at least a word about the results of the previous Government, for the simple reason that if there had been changes and someone else had formed the Government, he would certainly have looked back and to the work of the previous government, which I am not sure will happen here.
I am saying this for the simple reason that when the last time Mandate Vučić gave an exposition, he made one, it seemed to me a blunder at the time, but now it is obviously not a blunder, since it has happened again, and that is that in his many hours of exposition, not a single time does he say the word Vojvodina. Not a single time.
Vojvodina is not just a province, as the Prime Minister said, it has its own name. It may seem like a semantic insistence on details, but believe me, it is not like that, but it is a much deeper problem that I want to talk about because, let's remember, a year and a half ago, in this same hall, there was a discussion about making a a serious team that will deal with changes in the political system in Serbia. That team for creating a new political system in Serbia, that whole idea simply disappeared, evaporated, with less and less publicity and more and more silence.
I must say with great joy that while listening carefully to the presentation of the representative, I heard a lot of interesting, useful and I hope accurate information. However, these are all things that are related to daily political matters, and not at the same time to systemic changes in the country, which, as I understand, must occur.
I welcome the changes in the composition of the Government, because I happen to know some people who are new to the Government personally and I can say that their qualities are unquestionable. I am quite sure that Mr. Nedimović will contribute not only to the development of agriculture in Srem, Banat and Bačka, but also in the whole of Serbia.
However, I am interested in something else, I am interested in the issue of the Hungarian model for solving the issue of agricultural land, which the mandate holder mentioned. The Hungarian solution for those who do not know, the solution for which, among other things, the League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina among other parties, it would be unfair to say that only we advocated for it, but completely opposite political options advocated for exactly that to pass laws which will prohibit the sale of land to foreigners, at least for a certain period.
In this sense, the Hungarian solution is what I very much welcome, but I ask the question, the Hungarian solution was reached by changing the Constitution of the Republic of Hungary, so that what I am talking about would be written in the Constitution.
Does the Hungarian solution mentioned by the Prime Minister in his presentation also imply a change in the Constitution? If it means changing the Constitution, then stopping thinking about changing the political system in this country is very dangerous. If the Constitution is only going to be changed in order to reach some daily political points, then that is irresponsible and I don't think it should be done that way, because we already once had the opportunity for the Constitution, as we well remember, to be adopted without discussion. without a public debate and to pass it so that the voting lasted longer than the debate on the Constitution itself.
I welcome the presence of Mr. Knežević in this Government, but it would also be good if Mr. Knežević informed his colleagues from the Government of the fact that the city of Zrenjanin, where he comes from, was, along with the city of Maribor, the most developed industrial center in the SFRY, and now it is languishing in the mediocrity of an underdeveloped part of Serbia which is called AP Vojvodina. We have reached the position that precisely because of this we now have to open up the essence of the story about what is really happening politically in the background.
The current Prime Minister of Vojvodina, Mr. Igor Mirović, initiated an action to return Vojvodina's property in the form of villas that AP Vojvodina had in Croatia and Slovenia. I didn't notice that mentioned. Is there perhaps a difference in the opinions of the Prime Minister of Vojvodina and the Prime Minister of Serbia about this? Is the question, the question of the return of Vojvodina property, which was passed over in silence, actually proof of the possibility of the existence of Vojvodina property? If Vojvodina property can exist, then it doesn't have to be only in real estate, it can also be in money. If assets can be in money, then there can be debt. If there is a debt, then I ask the question - what happened to the other parts of the Vojvodina property, which includes the Vojvodina post office, the Vojvodina railway, "Elektrovojvodina", etc. Not to mention everything that I discussed in the last convocation with the Minister of Finance about how much Vojvodina was deprived by not respecting the constitutional provision on the size of the budget of Vojvodina, and in this way the citizens of Vojvodina were deprived of over one billion euros.
I say all this because of the following. You should be aware that the problems this government will face are very deep. On the one hand, we have the issue of sports, which apparently is not so much in the essence of the political issue that I am now trying to run for here, but I am asking another question, how is it possible that one Olympic medal, the gold medal of a girl from Kosovo, can raise so much fuss, and the question of whether she should be congratulated or should not be based on sports success, when in Novi Sad you have a man named Nenad Pagonis, from Novi Sad, who was the world champion in kick-boxing more times than Rasim Ljajić was a minister. It's a dead race, but the man was a ten-time world champion in kickboxing.
All in all, if we have such a situation, if there is a girl living in Novi Sad who at the age of 15 is the cadet world champion in karate and that is not mentioned, and one Olympic medal won by a judoka from Kosovo was the reason that the Olympic Games instead of being a place the place where differences will be overcome becomes the place where differences are accentuated, and that's exactly why I think that the political issues that need to be opened are much deeper than they seem.
I don't doubt the good intentions of this government, I don't doubt the good intentions of the mandate, I don't doubt that this government will do everything it can to make people in Serbia live better, because if I doubted that, I wouldn't be sitting in this hall.
However, I spoke with the Minister of Health, Mr. Zlatibor Lončar, more than five months ago about the issue of the health examination that is now mandatory in order to obtain a permit to purchase weapons. That medical examination is so complicated that it is more complicated than the medical examination required for a license to fly the space shuttle.
Our meeting was short. It only lasted a few minutes, Mr. Lončar said that it was serious nonsense and that it should be changed immediately. The meeting was on Friday, he said it would be done on Monday. On Monday I was told that it could not be changed, but it would still take a few days. After that, there was a situation where those few days turned into a couple of months.
Elections were announced and then Mr. Lončar literally told me the following - the bureaucracy will not work, because it does not know what will happen. In the meantime, several months have passed since the election, that case is still not resolved, and you are in a position where literally half a year from something we started as an initiative, nothing happens because the bureaucracy has taken over to manage this country.
These are things for which I would kindly ask you to give me an elementary answer, whether there is a political program of this Government as to what this country should look like, because it is very nice to talk about the highways that are being built and being built, but I have one question how many kilometers of those highways will there be in Vojvodina? How many kilometers in the place where the highway is the cheapest to build, where it has the lowest price, and at the same time it is necessary to connect, for example, Banat between its important places, to connect with Timisoara and with its historical east-west directions?
In order to do that, much less resources are needed, but it seems that we have come to a position where, just as the word Vojvodina is not spoken, the issue of debts to Vojvodina is not spoken, nor is there talk about what should be done in Vojvodina.
I am talking about this because I am from Vojvodina and I think that everyone must say in this place what he thinks should be done where he is from in order to make it one country that is equal everywhere, equal everywhere in rights and everywhere equal in obligations. This way, we are in a position where Mr. Prime Minister, the Prime Minister of the last government and the mandate of the next, takes it upon himself to manage the entire country from Belgrade.
This is not a path that can be taken for the simple reason that we will end up in a position where the prime minister's office and this government will become a bottleneck in decision-making in this country, and that normal life cannot pass through that bottleneck.
Well, I would like some answers to what I posted. Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
The mandate holder has the floor.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: First of all, respected Mr. Canak, I have always supported your healthy humor, unfortunately it was a summary of the presentation, mainly due to my insufficient physical capabilities, but I still think that the citizens were able to gain an insight into a comprehensive and serious plan and program .
Namely, I will remind you that the longest before my presentation from 2014 was Vojislav Koštunica's presentation of 90 minutes, that some had, believe it or not, imagine, they presented their program and work plan of the Government in 20 minutes. So, we read the four pages, four sloppy texts, and that was the plan and program for the Government.
I brag about it, I'm proud of it, unlike those who would, I didn't say that you do it, who make fun of it and who say it's something bad or terrible. You can imagine how much work someone needs, how many hours and how many days he had to read or had to read in nine or ten hours, how much work, how much effort and how much energy he had to put in to write it and how many times read. I think this shows the attitude towards the citizens, it also shows diligence and dedication.
Unfortunately, it has become a trend in Serbia for people to joke, to make fun of those who are hardworking and could work. I guess it's best to be lazy and sit in a cafe all day and criticize everyone who does something.
When you say - it's not that new; The government is new, every government after the election is new, the government is also different, and it is logical that there are people who were in the government for the simple reason that we went to the elections that way and asked for trust. It would be fraud on the citizens of Serbia if we brought everyone else.
To be honest, if I had not gone to the campaigns with the story that I would be the prime minister, I would hardly have been the prime minister, for some completely different reasons, but it would be a fraud to the citizens if we did not do it in such a way, because I went, told the citizens - vote for our list if you want to be the Prime Minister of Serbia.
Of course, there are ministers, and other ministers have done a good job, but we always need some freshness, some new blood, as "Coca-Cola" does in Atlanta, they change 15% of people every year to show that they will come new energy, new ambition.
I think that a good balance was made between experience, knowledge, freshness. You praised the two new members of the Government and believe it or not, it will not hinder them in their careers, although I saw that you were both worried when you praised them, but I want to tell you that we did it in such a way that it seems to me that we people who are experienced, not people who don't know anything about the business, and when you mentioned Zrenjanin and said how Zrenjanin is struggling today, it is correct, because some who came to power in 2000 were not doing very well before that 1990 to 2000. The collapse has begun.
Those who came to power in 2000 decided to sell off everything they could think of, including very successful companies in Zrenjanin, from the meat industry that was better known than Mitros, Sremsko Mitrovacki, such as "Bek", to many others company. Everything is destroyed, destroyed, sold out and there is nothing.
Goran Knežević brought Drekslmajer as mayor to Zrenjanin, which among other things recommended him, because he knew how to deal with investors in the best way. Those people from Drexlmayer came to me a few days ago, I want to inform you, they are now expanding their business, they will increase the number of employees and we expect that number of employees to increase in the next two, two and a half years in Zrenjanin, which will additionally mean The Assembly of the city of Zrenjanin and the people of Zrenjanin, but that is not enough, they will need more investors so that Zrenjanin can be the industrial center it used to be.
The area around Zrenjanin can, you can live from agriculture from Mužlja to Jankovo Most, but you cannot have a hundred thousand people, and of those hundred thousand people, 70.000 live in the city of Zrenjanin if you do not have a strong industry. We will work on it. We will change things, we will fix them and I think it will be better than it was a few years ago.
As for the results, I also looked back at that work and I am very proud of the work. Of course you can always make things better and make them better. I myself have countless objections. It seems to me that I am also the harshest critic, not a critic from bed at 10.15 when I get up, so I can publish a tweet and say: "Oh, but I told him", but I criticize what we did not show enough energy, enough work and enough effort. But we have done great things and many good things, and that's why I think it is important to do it in the future as well.
To make you happy about the change of the political system. Precisely because of that, I would say, crisis political situation both globally and regionally, and also in our country, if you will, in which we could not deal with those essential political issues, it is time to start those talks from autumn and, not as the prime minister, but as the president of an important party in Serbia at the moment, I am ready to accept that dialogue and to talk about it, so that regional parties could also be represented in the parliament, to see if we will have four, five, six, seven, yes alone let's talk, to open a dialogue, I'm completely ready. I don't have any paper with anything written on it. With a blank piece of paper, we will come before you and everyone else in the National Assembly and sit down to talk about it. We are ready to talk about it because in that case we would have better representativeness in the National Assembly than we have today, and of course, in all other executive authorities as well. So we are absolutely ready for that.
I don't know that I didn't say the name of Vojvodina, but I was talking about Vojvodina, I was talking about the province. Maybe, as you say, it's a semantic mistake that I didn't, because I was specifically talking about Kosovo and Metohija, therefore, without any intention. I love Vojvodina as much as you. I do not allow you to love her any more, just as I would not dare to say that you love her less than I do. As much as your roots are from Vojvodina, they happen to be mine too, and because of that I don't think I'm better than anyone from Kraljevo, Užice, Čačak, Niš, Leskovac or any other place in Serbia, but I'm certainly not worse because of that.
It is our job to treat every part of the Republic of Serbia equally. I think that's how I behaved. I think I visited every part of the Republic of Serbia. If you want, Mr. Canak, I'm not sure that the people of central Serbia wouldn't mind that, because we subsidized the arrival of the largest number of investors to the territory of AP Vojvodina. So, even in the previous two years, and I have brought here a complete list, you will see that the most investors arrived in the territory of the municipalities of Ruma, Sremska Mitrovica, Pećinci, in Srem, but also in northern Bačka, especially in the territory of the city of Subotica, but also in Zapadnobački district and in Sombor and Apatin and Odzake, where the Government of the Republic of Serbia subsidized it much more, and we even have three districts, three whole districts in central Serbia where neither one of the investors subsidized by the Government of Serbia did not arrive. So, that story doesn't stand either.
As for the story about the revenues and expenditures of AP Vojvodina, we are ready to open that story, as I said, as soon as possible. But you only talk about rights and income, but you don't talk about expenses and you don't talk about obligations. I will tell you that in an earlier mandate, I think in 2008 or 2007, Antić, the second-categorized roads were taken over by people from AP Vojvodina. Do you know what they did? They didn't do anything. Then they said - we don't have money for this, come on Republic, come on Serbia build those roads for us. Serbia also built those roads, as you know. Don't tell me that there was no money, since there was money for all the officials and presidents of municipal committees who suddenly founded, and vice presidents who founded non-governmental organizations of certain political parties and instead of building roads for people in Vojvodina, money were thrown into the well. Don't let me tell you about other things.
I am, it seems, with you, we mentioned Nenad Pagonis, I also left some messages and I would like to see what the problem is, if there is one, even though kickboxing is not an Olympic sport, I think we owe Mr. Pagonis everything we can do as a country. I think that we have a better attitude towards athletes, especially the top athletes, and you can ask them all that. Everyone will confirm that to you, every person, and these wonderful rowers and kayakers of ours, they will all tell you that they have never had greater support from the state of Serbia, never greater support. I'll tell you why. Because with us you don't have to wait for money in the treasury, because the minister gives an order and he gets the money immediately, because the financial situation is better, because we don't stay in debt even for a day. Once you get the order, it pays out that day.
I think that Vanja, as we will agree, one, I think, the greatest, but one of the three or four greatest water polo players of all time, waited a year.
(Radoslav Milojčić: After Šapić.)
Please?
I think he waited a year, a year and a half to get the promised money, which was incomparably less than it is today, for the gold medals he was winning. Today, his friends, his colleagues do not wait a day. The day they deliver the papers to us, it takes them three or four days, on the fifth day they receive the money.
As for Mrs. or Miss Keljmendi, you see, I think you overdid it, Mr. Canak, and not someone else, not Marko Đurić, although I tried to keep quiet and not say anything about it in public, precisely because of the Olympic principles, precisely because of sports and precisely because that young woman didn't hide anything from us and nobody hid anything from us. And I avoided commenting on the nonsense of fake analysts, fake journalists who say that it was signed in Brussels, etc., as if people don't know how and in what way Kosovo became a member of the International Olympic Committee and various semi-literate experts who are able to religion and nation to change in order to get some kind of function, who give us lectures on this issue, I kept everything quiet. I didn't say a word about her. I just said that I found it interesting that within a minute or two after that, VVS and SNN published historical information about it, etc., as if they were just waiting for it, nothing more.
You told Marko Đurić that this is how Hitler did it. And what is that? By saying that someone separated a part of the territory of the Republic of Serbia, what is his constitutional obligation, as the director of the Office for Kosovo and Metohija, like every member of the Government? Here we swear by the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. In the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, Kosovo and Metohija is part of the Republic of Serbia. Maybe one day someone will change it. Maybe I don't know what will happen the day after tomorrow. Maybe I won't be the Prime Minister, maybe someone else will win the elections in a month, if they happen. It's not a problem at all, but it's not possible at the moment.
You accused him of being Hitler because he respected the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. Because he respected the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, you told someone he was Hitler. Don't be angry, Mr. Canak, that's what was inappropriate. In no way did we insult this obviously very successful and hard-working athlete, her effort, her efforts, her hard work, hats off. What does that have to do with the fact that someone accepted Kosovo as an independent country, because according to the statute you can only accept them as an independent country? They violated the statute, as a member of the International Olympic Committee. As UEFA did, in direct violation of its own statute, as only UN members UEFA has the right to admit. And UEFA received them even though they are not members of the UN. Now if someone says the next day that we are not looking forward to the victory of the Kosovo football team, you will tell him that he is Hitler, Hitler because he protects the Constitution of his country, the laws of his country, because he protects his people. Well, I guess that's their job to do.
At the same time, don't tell me that I did something against the Albanians, because I believe that the structural and strategic agreement between the Serbs and the Albanians is of key importance. These are the two largest nations in the Western Balkans. It was the first time I met the Albanian Prime Minister after Enver Hoxha and Tito since 1946.
Those you supported, who were very brave, did not have the courage to do that, because I know that peace with the Albanians is important to us, but the fact that peace with the Albanians is important to us does not mean that I will renounce the Constitution of my country, the flag of my country and to say that the territory of our country according to the Constitution of the Republic belongs to someone else and now I am looking forward to their medals. So I'm going to be Hitler? Is that the main characteristic of Hitler? The example has nothing to do with Jesse Owens. Has anyone told her that she is like this or that, that she is of a different color, of a different race, of a different nation? No one blamed her for her nationality. We were just talking about what country he belonged to and nothing else. I think it was his duty. If he had acted differently, I think it would have been a disaster.
I have nothing against your position, I only have against you calling someone Hitler, after millions and millions of people killed in the world, who did not kill anyone, someone who did not even intend to do so. It was a little too harsh and it was harmful to our country, it was harmful to our country. Don't let me tell you that you were the main star in the Pristina media, and that's not because the local ones were closed to you, because you were quoted everywhere, but because the Albanians thought it suited them in the fight against the Serbs. That's all I want to tell you, and that's why I think it was a mistake.
Regarding the assets of public companies and regarding what you talked about, the railways, Elektrovojvodina, yes, there have been changes in the EPS that I think are good. In order for you to know what was happening to us, we would never change it and it had nothing to do with Elektrovojvodina or Elektroistok or any other part, Elektrošumadija. Each of them was completely independent from their headquarters and they would order meters, transformers and we have 1.500 pieces each in Elektroistok, Elektrovojvodina doesn't have them and it makes a tender, and they spend state money on us and vice versa. They spend our state money in the same company, but they don't talk to each other. We have a surplus in the same company, but this one makes a tender and spends our money. That cannot be done today. It has nothing to do with the autonomy of Vojvodina, but has to do with the good functioning of the EPS, whose functioning we are still not satisfied with, but it is better and significantly better than it was the case before, as confirmed by the IMF and the World Bank and all the others who together they work with us on that issue. It is not a political issue, it is an economic issue.
As for the proposals for systemic changes, I think there have been many proposals for systemic changes. Regarding the Hungarian model, I spoke in both Hungarian and Polish, I don't know if we will and how much strength we will have, but we will fight, we will fight together with you and great if we are supported for that, to preserve that it is our country contrary to the provisions and EU directives. If it is possible, we will do our best. We've endured some tough things and we'll act like it. It has nothing to do with the fact that I would like to support someone or that someone else would like to support a tycoon and tell me about the vulnerability of small farmers, who are all kept in one place by one and the same tycoon and then take them out on the street when it suits him. .
We will look to help the actual agricultural producers, as much as possible, but they will have to change their habits, just as we will change, but it has nothing to do with agricultural land and we do not think of passing laws to give permission to sell agricultural land. Will someone make different decisions in five, six, seven, eight years, when a new government is here? Ask them that, for the next three, four years, for the mandate of this Government, don't worry about that issue. Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Mr. Canak, you have two minutes.
NENAD CANAK: Thank you for the detailed answer, but I would just like to make a few remarks.
First, it is obvious that you followed this polemic of mine second or third hand. I never called anyone Hitler. I said that the idea of disqualifying anyone's sporting success because of their origin or something like that has its roots in the long-ago year 1936, so in 2006 we had the Croatian national team get off the podium because the FRY national team was there. You remember it as well as I do. You know very well that this is exactly what I was talking about.
I have two questions, if we have already started on Kosovo and the Constitution. The first question - did Serbia lodge an official protest with the Olympic Committee due to Kosovo's participation, and if so, what was the response of the Olympic Committee? Second question, you talk about respecting the Constitution, but in your exposition that you presented yesterday, Kosovo is at the first point between EU membership, foreign policy, national security and relations with the diaspora. In other words, AP Kosovo belongs to a combination of foreign policy, national security and relations with the diaspora, which is in full conflict with what you said that you only stick to the Constitution. If you stick to the Constitution, as you say, then Kosovo cannot be part of the diaspora issue, nor foreign policy, nor has anything to do with EU membership.
THE PRESIDENT: Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: You are right, Mr. Canak, but you forgot to say that it went exactly behind national security. Yes, Kosovo and Metohija is a key issue of national security and that is what it says in the exposition, and now you are going to tell me what went before national security. What does it matter? My introduction went on about the political framework in which we find ourselves. You can associate Kosovo and Metohija with whatever you want. I spoke in the context of national security, related to national security, where I think it is most appropriate. I think everything I said is correct. I just didn't understand, apart from a formal remark, because you made a mess, introducing something that is in front and behind, and you didn't go into the merits of the matter, but ok
As for the disqualifications due to origin, Marko Đurić did not comment on her origin, not a single word did anyone try to disqualify the knowledge, dedication, work and diligence of Mrs. or Miss Kiljmendi. So, alal vera, hats off to the great success. What does this have to do with the IOC giving permission to something that is not a country to be represented at the Olympics? Yes, we lodged a protest with the IOC. What is their answer? I don't know. I know that we filed a protest with UEFA, and that was done by the Football Association. They didn't even answer, the minister tells me. So, they didn't even respond, and what will UEFA, which directly violated its statutes, answer you? What will he answer you? In the most direct way, there is a very precise article that regulates it, to break it and they don't care. And nothing, what to do? It is obvious that it is a political decision. You can't fight back there.
We will have, I assume, a closed one to tell you what is happening today in this matter and that there are currently pressures on nine countries, great pressures, to recognize the independence of Kosovo, which is led by one country, an important country, and now there are various financial matters and many other problems, which I would not like to talk about at this moment, but of course the Government is concerned and that is our job.
I did not answer you in the first part about something that is very important, namely the roads through Vojvodina. Yes, through Vojvodina you have, from Belgrade to Horgoš, about 190 km of highway, you also have a highway from Šid to Belgrade. The construction of the road Novi Sad - Ruma - Šabac is underway. We are also discussing this with the Romanians, to see if there are two ideas on how to connect Zrenjanin, but also Vršac with Timisoara. We are talking about how to build fast roads, i.e. Schnel Strasse to Belgrade, Zrenjanin, especially after the construction of the Pupin Bridge, which shortened that road and, it seems to me, helped a lot to the people living in the middle and that part of the southern Banat.
About that and how we think and work, as I think we helped the citizens of Kikinda by opening the border crossings, as I think we helped the citizens of Kikinda by, together with the leadership of the MSK, after four and a half, five years, closed, key, the most important factory in Kikinda ... today that factory is working and you can see smoke again at the entrance to Kikinda, the seat of northern Banat. So, I think that we have done a lot and I think that people in Vojvodina have seen it and know how to respect it and know how to appreciate it, and for all these other issues, we are open to discussions with you and you will never have a problem, yes let's talk and I think we are ready to accept some of your ideas regarding the political system and certain changes you are talking about. Thanks again.
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Canak, there is no more reply.
You have six minutes when everyone has passed, so sometime in the morning.
The floor is given to Marko Đurišić.
MARKO ĐURIŠIĆ: Thank you, President.
Dear Mr. Mandate, candidates for ministers, fellow MPs, guests, yesterday we had the opportunity to listen to the longest exposé in the history of Serbian parliamentarianism. For almost six hours, the mandate holder read in detail the plan, as he now called the Government's work plan for the next four years.
We listened to that exposition expecting to hear specific deadlines, laws that will be passed in a certain period and what will differentiate this Government from all the previous governments in which this majority participated in the previous four years. That is why elections were called. Then the Prime Minister, now the Mandate, said - we need elections in order to get a braver, more determined Government, a Government with more energy that will have to quickly start working on solving the problems of the citizens.
Then after the election, something happened that has not been explained, neither yesterday, nor in the previous 100 or more days since the election. What were you waiting for? Why did it take so long to get the proposal on the composition of the Government and the program of that Government? And in that program there is no such promised and announced speed. We don't see that energy, we don't see new ideas. Most of the ministers, i.e. members of the Government, two-thirds are old, one-third are new, is that enough for the situation Serbia is in? No.
What we could hear in the exposé yesterday were many of the things we heard two years ago. But now with a new deadline, again somewhere in the distant future. Let's say salaries, two years ago, a little more than two years ago, when the previous Government was formed, the representative said - salaries in the public sector will be reduced by 10%, and then by the end of 2016, we will have higher salaries in the public sector than we have today.
Will that promise be fulfilled? Will wages at the end of 2016 be higher than they were in April 2014? They won't. We know that. now we have new promises, the representative says - at the end of this government's mandate, salaries will be higher than ever in modern Serbian history.
When it comes to infrastructure, the prime minister spoke without naming the exact culprit, the delay in the opening of the first section on Corridor 11, even though he said in an exposition two years ago that the Belgrade-Boljare highway would be completed in four years during the mandate of that government. Today, that promise no longer exists. It is said that 50 kilometers from Obrenovac to Preljina will be completed, that something has been agreed for construction from Surčin to Obrenovac, and that it will be seen how the section from Preljina to Požega will be solved. Further construction to Boljar to Montenegro is not mentioned in the exposition, just as the construction of the road from Novi Sad, Ruma to Šabac is not mentioned either. There is no such thing in the exposition.
The prime minister said it now, but he didn't say it and didn't write it in the exposé. Now he said. As it was said, by April 2017 both legs of Corridor 10 will be completed, now we are talking about the middle of 2018 in the exposition it says - by the middle of 2018, don't make me open now and read here which page it says, it says by mid-2018. I somehow think that it will not happen even then, because it is the manner and result of the work of this Government in the previous four years. Continuous making of promises, people no longer even know when what was said, constant postponement of that better life.
In contrast, we have an increase in poverty, which is now taking on serious dimensions in Serbia. Namely, 150.000 Serbian citizens live below the poverty line today, 650.000 and 150.000 more than two years ago, and two million people are at risk of poverty. In this exposition, there is not a single word about how the Government will tackle this problem. There is no announcement of any strategy, plan, concrete measures, something that would contribute to reversing a bad trend that has been going on for four years.
I invite the representative to make it one of the priorities of his government, the fight against poverty. Today, 1/3 of young people are at risk of poverty, 100.000 children live in families that cannot even provide them with basic food. According to the analysis of the World Bank, we have an ineffective system of social protection, 25% of the most vulnerable receive only 24% of funds, and 1/4 of well-to-do citizens receive 28% of total social benefits. We have an ineffective system that has not been reformed for years. It is inherited, but not enough has been done in the previous two or four years to change it. There are proposals for concrete solutions in that World Bank analysis.
What could help in that fight is an increase in the minimum wage. That's the only thing the mandate holder talked about yesterday. He said - we will try, we will see, maybe. The minimum wage was increased for the last time in 2014, to 121 dinars per hour, before that it was 114. Today, people who work for that minimum wage are socially threatened. We have to change the system so that people who work are not social cases, even if there is a 10% increase in the minimum price of work, and the representative himself spoke about it, a minimal increase would contribute to a better, more dignified life for the citizens of Serbia. But the mandate did not undertake to do it, neither this year, nor the next, nor any other.
Again we listened to the analysis and accusations of who is to blame for the bad state of the country. Hundreds and hundreds of falsehoods were used again, but now also some new ones. Mr. Vučić said that the profit tax was increased in 2011, which led to the fact that we have smaller investments, that capital is being withdrawn from Serbia. That is not true. The corporate income tax was increased in 2013. So this majority made that increase from 10% to 15%, effectively from 6% to 15% and led to the fact that some companies, domestic and foreign, gave up investing in the Serbian economy, because they were looking for a place where it was more favorable for them and where the income tax is lower.
The prime minister spoke about how the policy of economic growth based on consumption and the development of the service sector was bad. That is true, but that policy was changed in 2008. It was valid until 2008. In 2008, the Government started to find investors who will invest in production in Serbia. That investor is "Fiat", the biggest exporter. I agree with the Prime Minister that we missed the chance to strengthen the industry of suppliers who would produce parts for "Fiat" here, and not that most of those parts are still imported today. But the government did that for four years, one until 2012, and this government had four years to change it. She didn't do anything.
What we want to say is that we need more investment and that agriculture is the biggest chance for the development of Serbia. But what are the effects in the previous ones, maybe not the biggest, I'm sorry, not the biggest, but agriculture is certainly an opportunity, we hear that from mandate to mandate, not only this government, every government in the previous 20 or more years.
Agricultural production is reducing its share in Serbia's GDP. In 2011, it was 9%, now it is 7,7%, and that chance remains unused. Will this government and the new minister be able to take advantage of that chance - we will see. What the previous one did, she worked on reducing subsidies. By skilful changes in the law, by changing only one word that says - subsidies are determined in the amount of..., then some figures, by changing that word - from to word - to subsidies were reduced from 12 thousand per hectare, for example, to four thousand, which is for 2016 . a year.
What we consider important and what the mandate holder is talking about is education as a way to become more competitive, as a way to keep young people in Serbia, and as one important novelty he announced the introduction of dual education.
This is not the first time, and the introduction of dual education was announced two years ago. Obviously, the previous minister was not in favor of it, because there is a part of the public that thinks it is not a good solution.
We believe that dual education makes sense and can achieve the effects discussed here, which is the reduction of youth unemployment, the development of the spirit of entrepreneurship and everything else mentioned here, only if certain conditions are met. Without it, we will lead to the further collapse of the educational system, committing even greater injustices, and we will cause even greater damage to the future of Serbia.
We have not heard whether and in what way, it is not even in the exposition, it was not discussed in detail, and it could have been found in those six hours of speech, in what way exactly this Government wants to introduce dual education. Is there interest from the economy, that is the first prerequisite. There must be an economy that will accept young people to work. Is that economy ready to pay those young people who will work for three or four days and be paid more than social assistance, as is the case in other countries where dual education works? Young people who are in that education system are paid by the employer. Their on-the-job training lasts four to six years.
Do we have masters ready to train them, who must have a pedagogic degree to be able to do that work? Will the possibility for these young people, if they have the desire and ambition, to return to the normal education system, pass the matriculation exam and continue further university studies or vocational studies, be regulated and in what way? These are very important things and prerequisites that must be met in order for dual education to make sense.
We are ready to cooperate with the Minister and the Government in this project and to offer knowledge and experience.
What marks this government from the very beginning is a multitude of affairs, affairs of members who have been ministers until now, some affairs of members who today, or tomorrow, whenever, should become ministers in the Government of the Republic of Serbia. I think it tells us about how and what will happen to us in the future, and it does not make us optimistic, and that is one of the reasons why our parliamentary group of the Social Democratic Party will most certainly not vote for this Government.
The representative spoke about how the development of entrepreneurship is a chance for the development of Serbia, how this is the year of entrepreneurship...
(Aleksandar Vučić: I said every year.)
... how it should be every year and I agree with you, but let's see what the problem is, Mr. Mandate and Mr. Minister of Finance - why is there no new regulation on determining taxes for flat-rate entrepreneurs for two years? Why do small businessmen who pay a flat tax pay that tax according to the decisions from 2014? Why were tax rulings not issued for 2015 and 2016? What will we do with those who started their business in these two years? They do not have any tax solution. Without that tax solution, they can't enter the system, they can't search, they can't get a loan, they can't develop their business that they want to do. When will it be adopted, Mr. Vučić? Can you tell us now and how now if those tax solutions come in the next few weeks, of course cumulatively for two years, how will these people pay them, how will the government make it easier for them to develop their business?
The reform of the Tax Administration is also mentioned in this exposition and it is mentioned in every one. During the mandate of this government, we had four or five changes in the position of director of the Tax Administration, acting status. Staff from the BIA mostly came. I don't know where that policy was considered a good policy so that people from the BIA can run the Tax Administration in the best way? I think it's a bad way and the results show that.
Something was said briefly about the development of culture, about the need for culture to be in every city, and we agree with that. The legacy of the previous minister's state of the media is, in our opinion, catastrophic. The Prime Minister said that media freedom must be accompanied by responsibility. I certainly agree with that sentence, but the problem today in Serbia is that the most irresponsible tabloid media that support the Government, in which anyone who criticizes the work of the Government will find themselves dragged through the worst mud. I think it comes from the very top. Even today, Mr. Vučić said, we heard that those who criticize him sleep up to ten hours, lie down all day and do nothing. Anyone who criticizes today in Serbia is an idler, an ignoramus and an incompetent, and Serbian society cannot progress in such an atmosphere.
I want to join Mr. Čanko's call, and there was no mention of that in the exposition, and that's what I wanted to talk about, the need to reform the political system. It is needed in many segments. We had a farce last summer here in parliament, an action team was created to reform the political system. He had several sessions and no results. Us, as you know, according to the action plan
the Constitution is also expected to be changed by the end of 2017, and I think that a dialogue on the reform of the political system, and therefore the Constitution, is needed as soon as possible.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. You have wasted your time.
MARKO ĐURIŠIĆ: Thank you, President.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Just don't, please, call anything about the parliament a farce, I would beg you, because you are also part of the parliament and you humiliate yourselves by characterizing the work of this house like that.
Aleksandar Vučić speaks. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUČIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, respected MPs, I was also thinking about the fact that yesterday I expressed special gratitude to the people who do not belong to the majority, who were in the hall and who listened to what I said, whether I should even respond to those who did not wanted to listen, and that is their obligation, what I say, whether I answer them at all. I will answer, not for your sake, because I see that you really did not listen to what I was saying. It was obviously a strain for you to follow even the telecast. I decided for the sake of the citizens of Serbia and the seriousness of the topics to answer you anyway, with gratitude that you, misunderstanding or not listening to what I said yesterday, confirmed some of the theses that I presented.
Namely, if you were listening to what I said about agriculture, I was just talking about the change in participation in GDP and how in America today 2% of those who contribute to agriculture are 47% in 1905. The structure of the economy has changed. I spoke about the necessity of reindustrialization, first of all smart industry. Everything you said was a complete fabrication. You quoted yourself from somewhere, not me. I didn't say anything about what you were talking about, especially not in that way. Agriculture must be modernized. In agriculture, many other things have to be done.
Don't forget, it's true, subsidies weren't reduced, as I can see, you probably made a slip, it's not just about hectares, it's about money. So, it is 4.000, from 4.000 to 9.000 or 11.000. So, we are talking about dinars, not hectares. That's right, it's just the difference, dinars and hectares, it's not very important, but you guessed the numbers.
So, the bottom line is the following. We made one mistake about the harvester and the tractor. Although I said yesterday that we did it, we will correct it as soon as possible. This is the mistake our officials made in rural development regarding by-laws, and we will correct that as soon as possible. I will personally talk to the peasants about the fact that they should absolutely take advantage of such an opportunity that the Government of Serbia will offer. Of course, we give subsidies for small mechanization in fruit growing, and don't forget that we paid the little we promised, that we paid everything without a day of delay and that we paid over 10 billion in old debts. So, we cleaned everything that was left behind and that was made. I will never flatter anyone, not even the peasants, nor anyone else. I think it is important to see what it is, how much and in what way we can help, and of course it should be in line with our financial capabilities.
You asked a question and talked about the fact that it was terrible that we waited for the Government. So, I don't know what is so terrible, because we waited for all your governments much longer and much longer, until the last moment. We waited for them there and up to those borders, I will remind some here, that they came and begged both from some other party and from your party, they begged us when we were in that building of the National Assembly to let you vote for the Government until midnight, since the state will have to go to temporary financing, because you waited until midnight on the last day of the legal deadline to form the Government. Today, when we have as much time as you want, we are not in a hurry, a month before the end of any deadline, you blame me for the fact that the Government has not been formed. The government worked, the current government worked. We didn't bathe or frolic. We didn't slack off, or anything else. We worked and did not miss a single job. Everything that needed to be done for the country, we did, we made.
You said it here - new promises, salaries and pensions. Yes, their salaries, above all for educators and health workers, I think before the end of this year, will be the same, but on healthy legs, as they used to be when we talk about the public sector. Already today, we have total salaries higher than before, because the private sector has grown. I guess you stand for that too. I guess all the laws we pass and everything we did were passed because of that. The situation is completely different, it is not comparable.
When you talk about trends, all trends are good, especially economic ones. There is no single bad economic trend. This is what the IMF and the World Bank are talking about. That's what everyone is talking about. Do Serbs live richly? They don't live. And when did they live? What if we didn't live better than Croats and Slovenes between the two world wars? Well, look at the analytics, we're not. Look at what Milan Stojadinović writes about that period, look at what he said. And then we were incomparably weaker economically, incomparably poorer. Today we will reach them slowly and we will reach them quickly. Some of them we cannot, and some of them we will overtake within five or six years if this trend continues, after decades and decades.
I didn't understand, since I didn't make any special new promises, but you didn't understand how social dialogue works. I don't think you meant badly. I would have said yesterday what the Government will accept and how much the minimum wage increase would be, you would be satisfied, but I would not have the right to say that, because it must be the result of a social dialogue between unions and employers. We want to hear what they have to say, both of them. We heard the trade unions asking for an increase from 121 to 140 dinars. Employers say - we are ready for 123-124. Of course, it largely depends on the Government. The government wants us to see how far and how much they can agree on. Then we will come out with our proposal.
If I had told you yesterday exactly in dinars how much we are ready to accept, you would have told me - you took the responsibilities of employers and trade unions. Then we come to the fact that in Serbia whatever you do is not good and not right. If I had said that, I would have been guilty of this, and today I am guilty of not saying precisely. Whatever you do is your fault. That's the curse of the job I do. I have no problem with that, just be honest and say it's true. It is true that it is so. If I had said, you would have told me - how could you say that, and you did not hold a socio-economic council, there was no social dialogue between employers and unions? Although I unequivocally announced, and as good news for the citizens, we will go for an increase in the minimum wage, and that is not an easy decision. It's not an easy decision and I'll tell you why. Not because of state finances, not because of public finances, we have no problem with that, for us it's a trifle, for the state sector, absolutely a trifle. It's like we got two more medals, nothing more than that. Literally a trifle. We don't have many of them on minimum wage in the public sector.
So, I'll tell you where the problem is. If you increase often, that's why it was a smart decision not to increase it in 2014 and that's why we have an increased number of new investors in the previous two years, especially the auto component manufacturers here, because they saw security and stability, because among other things they could count what is their salary if they have this minimum salary. If we didn't have that, we wouldn't have come here. Now we are ready to change that, but we have to talk with them as well, because we will not let the ones you brought, which I see today are very fashionable for everyone to criticize, such as "Jura", etc. I am not criticizing them. I also defend what you did, because I think it is good for Serbia. Because they feed six and a half thousand mouths. The fact that some kind of crazy, more precisely, Luddist movement took hold in Serbia, you know, according to Ned Lud from history, when machines were destroyed by workers, when they did not know what to do when they were dissatisfied with the working conditions, I am absolutely against it and I think it is a disaster and I will fight are against it.
It's like - hey, it's terrible that I have extended hours. So what if you have extended working hours? It's paid. There are many who have unpaid overtime, so what? Is it the scariest? Well, it's not, it's not. What do you need? To destroy everything, to destroy everything, to drive everything away from Serbia, to remove everything from Serbia, to send such a signal to someone. I am absolutely against that and that is why I will protect such investors, because they support a large number of families in our country. "Jura" has six and a half thousand employees at the moment, from Rača to Leskovac. Is it not far behind us a poor region where we didn't have factories? As I should say the same about "Kromberg and Schubert" coming to Kruševac, which should have two and a half, then four thousand after that.
You said that I didn't mention, that was the most interesting thing to me, you say - you didn't mention "Ruma" Šabac. Well, I didn't because I was skipping certain pages yesterday. First you criticize me because my exposé is long, and then you criticize me for not saying everything in that exposé. I was then supposed to speak for 12 hours. Whatever I did, you would find a reason to attack. I confirmed to you about "Ruma" Šabac today, before you contacted me I spoke about it and even that was not enough for you. I was guilty of not saying something, even though I spoke for six hours standing up, respecting the National Assembly, and you went outside and it was difficult for you to sit and listen to what I said.
You say - a greater number of poor people than ever. Well, in that World Bank study that you mentioned, in that World Bank study that you mentioned, it is said that poverty in Serbia was reduced by 1,6% last year. Well, it's not enough, of course it's not enough. Of course, we have a large number of poor people, but the study that you quoted and talked about, it says exactly that, and in particular it says that it is very well targeted, that Serbian laws have very well targeted people who need social protection, especially the poor. Of course, there are shortcomings, but don't forget that we pay each one to 3,3 million people, when we talk about social protection, 166 billion dinars and not a single dinar is ever late, not 10 not 15 not even a month and there was no reduction, without reduction. We have always cared for the poorest. Without reduction, when all other citizens had to pay the price of the disastrous rule of the previous period, the destruction of public finances and without inflation.
When I say - those who are able to work, so for the fact that you get 11.000 dinars, 8.000 dinars, this much or that much, go out and clean the leaves sometimes, help your country that gives you that. Then the main criticism is - hey, now those who receive social assistance will have to work. Really? It's as if work has become about the scariest thing in the world. Imagine, they will have to do something for the money they receive from the state. Great, if you're happy without the state, don't get money from the state. Then you don't have to do anything. We don't have any problem. We want no one to receive money from the state, so let them work privately, that's our ideal, that's what we stand for, that's what we're fighting for. But here in Serbia, we have been lied to for years and decades by everyone and everyone lied, saying only - let's talk, people, here's money, there's money here, we'll give you money. Well, I can't solve the issue of privatization of Serbian clubs and I admit that to you, and you tell me - can you and why aren't you? I can't solve it. Stronger people, stronger. I'm small and not strong enough to push it through and admit it - a disaster. What should I do?
You say - what should we change about the year of entrepreneurship? You say, I said - this is the year. No, I said - every year is an entrepreneurship. The opposite of what you said. Because the development of the entrepreneurial spirit that we lost somewhere in the 60s, 70s in self-managing socialism, and then in the 90s and work habits, where "combination" became a word that replaces work, since 2000, theft, robbery and corruption replaced that word as well. After that, the question arises - what should we do? We have to explain to people. Just yesterday I was talking about what you said I didn't talk about, about our craftsmen, about our plumbers, about welders, which we don't have anymore, we don't have them anymore. Because there was an ideal of bringing a diploma and saying - the state must give me a job. We are all guilty of that. It's not your fault, nor mine, and you know I'm right. We are all guilty of that, because it was easier that way. Well, it couldn't be easier. Someone had to tell our people - it couldn't be easier. It's better to be harder to have something at all. If we had continued to make it easier to buy coalition partners and voter will, we would not have to pay pensions, salaries, or anything else today. You know that too well. Everything that I say, I know that you know very well and you know that I am telling the truth. It's great, I accept it when you do it for political reasons, it's politics, I understand everything. I just can't understand you saying that I said something that I didn't say or that I didn't say something that I did say.
On dual education, thanks for saying you want to participate, it's a huge step forward. We can't do without it. It develops our entrepreneurial spirit. Someone else will tell you that even in 20 years in Serbia, it will be underdeveloped, it is in the cradle, it is literally in the cradle. We won't be able to change it in four years, to make it maybe twice as good as today, which will also be a cradle. These are difficult changes. Everyone is against it, Marko. Show me one in our education system that is not against it. Do you want me to tell you why everyone is against it? Everyone is against it. Does that make them right? No, they are not, the results show. That's right, I'm guilty of wanting to push something that everyone is against. It's just that, you know, twice a month I get a report from the Treasury on how much we paid for pensions, so you look at how much you paid for salaries and what the account balance is. Someone has to answer for 1.760.000 pensions and someone has to answer for another 800.000 salaries in the public sector. You have to pay it without an hour of delay every month, and then you have to take into account how it will be in a month and a year. And for those who think that everything falls from the sky, I mean many people in our country, it's easy for them, they don't care, they can do as they want.
As for roads and tax solutions, let me try to answer everything, a few facts. Undoubtedly, it is by far the most built this term, undoubtedly. When you compare ages, it's not a literal comparison, it's at least three, four, and even five to one. Am I satisfied? No, I didn't. It would be bad if I was satisfied. Yes, this year it will be in October instead of August 25. It would have been on August 25, if I had agreed to the trick of opening one pipe in two tunnels. I didn't want to agree to that kind of fraud and tell the people: "here, look how nice the road is", and with two tunnels, we could only go from one side, so you could go in one lane through those two tunnels. I didn't want to agree to that.
Next year, we will finish Corridor 10, which is the most important for Serbia and which will increase the number of tourists, which, in addition to our services, will dramatically increase the potential, therefore, we will finish both. Are you late? Do you want me to tell you what problems there are in both tunnels, what problems there are in Bancarevo, what problems we have with your repeating the tender in Dimitrovgrad, with bad documentation, but everyone will tell you that, they will tell you that every time. That's why I don't ask for that as an excuse and I don't ask to tell you what happened to us in Malajne and where your water leaks and what happens to you. What are you going to do, that's life, you deal with it. But is it better? Well, it is better, much better, incomparably better. The infrastructure is incomparably better and more developed than it was, people can see that, and that in the most difficult geographical area in the Republic of Serbia.
Regarding the tax solutions, you are right. We are just finishing it and now the decree will be adopted. However, we have one problem here, and that is the resistance of lawyers. Why else did we bother? We struggled because of the taxi driver. We had a struggle for several months to help taxi drivers who did not pay taxes, so we looked at how to solve the issue of reprogramming, so the IMF put pressure on us, so it put it in our prior action. We don't audit you just because of taxi drivers etc.
We literally fought for six months every day for taxi drivers, every day. That was the reason why we behaved like that. And why is it late today, it's late because the lawyers don't want it. Let me tell you this openly and let the people in Serbia know it. So things are not that simple. I know that you know it and many others know it, only that it is easiest to go behind your back - hey, Vučić, whatever you do, if you don't do it, I will criticize you, and when you do, then I will say - lawyers are right. Is that right? Well, that's right.
Unfortunately, this is a problem in Serbia. Because you all know the problems we face, no one will say it. When they shout "Vučić fag", in the stadium, you still say - it's not just those groups, everyone shouted, as you should be proud that they shouted "Vučić fag". And, that's your official statement, super master! Why didn't you say that when they said "Save Serbia and kill yourself", one, two, third, fifth, tenth.
You see, I don't mind talking about it, I'm dead cold and I don't really care.
(Vojislav Šešelj, from the spot: Still, this is more difficult to kill. )
So, I accept our guilt for one more thing, about that dialogue that Maya said. That's why we will continue it and bring concrete results by the end of the year, because it's important to talk about it.
I'm not going to answer you about the tabloids and everything else, it shows me that you don't watch it and you don't really follow everything, you only watch what hurts you. You don't see the other part. Because some newspapers that you like, that pretend to be serious, are much worse than the tabloids in terms of insults against individual families and the most serious, stupid insults, and lies and fabrications, not to mention. So it's better not to measure it, it's private owners, their business, let them do what they want. That is better, and everyone has the right to seek justice before the competent judicial authorities, and it seems to me that this is normal.
What has changed, Mr. Đurišić, is that no one runs away from problems and that, when we say that there is a problem, we really see it as a challenge and we want to solve it and we solve those things. I know that you can list countless problems, I would list them if it were possible, but it is not, and more than countless, but at least we solved some of those problems because we solve them and we solved some of them. If anything, even today we have a surplus in the budget of the Republic of Serbia, and it is the ninth, or August 10, I don't know exactly.
Tell me, please, when that happened, but don't mention that one year, which was to Đorđević, when Dinkić closed the Treasury and did not let anything be paid out so that he could say, despite all the large privatization revenues , to be able to say that there was a surplus? There is no such thing in our modern history.
(Čedomir Jovanović, from: Year 2007. )
No, it could have been the sixth or seventh Child, not possibly the eighth, the eighth was a disaster. It could have been the sixth or seventh, when we had large privatizations that were counted as budget revenue, and now we are telling you that we have a surplus without any privatization, without the sale of the airport, without anything. We're telling you about clean, healthy, permanent remedies that get results. And that's a big change. That's why I'm telling you, people can see it, feel it.
If some were in power, they would cheer for ours not to win a single medal anywhere, because they would never be able to pay. We are rooting for our team to win 100 medals, we can pay for everything. There is no problem, and on the same day.
(Vojislav Šešelj, from the spot: Well, if you hadn't sent Tom there.)
Look, Mr. Seselj, how much from Saturday, when our people start to line up the medals, and don't worry, we will be able to pay for all that on the same day. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: Reply.
Mr. Đurišić has the floor.
MARKO ĐURIŠIĆ: Dear Mr. Vučić, 100 meters from here there is a billboard that says that 2016 is the year of entrepreneurship. That was one of the pre-election programs of this Government. I'm not saying that it's bad and I'm not saying that it shouldn't be the next and every subsequent year, but I'm talking about what the government is doing, specifically in the year of entrepreneurship to help entrepreneurs.
You have now stated how there are problems and what all the problems are and why the decree has not been changed for almost two years and there are no new tax solutions. But that's your job, that's your job, to solve those problems, that's why you ran for office, asked for the support of citizens and got what you got, yes, we're not going to talk about the way it was achieved.
You said that most highways have been built so far, and I agree with you. But I don't know if we can agree that every kilometer of that highway, that the financing of it, the design started back in 2008, 2009 and 2010, and today the Chinese and Azerbaijanis are finishing on Corridor 11. Who is arranged that? And the works on Corridor 10, who arranged it and at what time.
And I ask you, which kilometer of highway did you agree on? You had an announcement in the campaign that we will do this section from Surčin to Obrenovac with the Chinese. Has it been signed, has the design started? I'm glad to hear that.
(President: Time. Thank you.)
And what will we do with the rest of the infrastructure? Thank you.
PRESIDENT: Time. Thank you.
Branka Stamenković, Rules of Procedure. Here you go.
BRANKA STAMENKOVIĆ: Please, violation of the Rules of Procedure, Article 107, paragraph 2, defines that it is not allowed to directly address MPs in the National Assembly. In this regard, I am asking you, in accordance with Article 109, to admonish both deputies who address each other, as well as the representative who directly enters into communication and addresses deputies directly. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, thank you. That is not possible, since these deputies are addressing the representative today, then he tries to respect the deputy, to look him in the eyes, and then to answer him. There is no retort between the two of us, I'm just trying to make it clear to you.
Aleksandar Vučić speaks. There is a full list of MPs who have responded, i.e. authorized ones, so I'm just asking for an apology as I will have to delete many of them. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: So, just to answer you, I hope I didn't offend you by calling you by your name. I don't understand why wooden lawyers had to appear, I didn't say anything bad, I addressed a man by name whom I've known for a decade or more, so I don't understand what it's about, but I guess, just so they could say something.
So let me answer this. As for the "Year of Entrepreneurship", this is the "Year of Entrepreneurship" and I said that yesterday, but I said that this is not a year, but that all years are entrepreneurship because it is our most important job. And in the "Year of Entrepreneurship" when you say what we did, we set aside 16 billion as the Government of the Republic of Serbia as an incentive for entrepreneurship. We allocated only for, of that, so you know, when I say 16 billion, four billion are grants. Four billion is 35 million euros. We donate thirty-five million euros for start-ups mainly for women, 50% of the necessary investment for female entrepreneurs, 30% for all others.
We have really given a lot and it is still not enough. I would like it to be three or four times more, but it is still a difference, we still showed that we did something about it.
Furthermore, as far as the highways are concerned, the person who told you that did not advise you well, you made the contract, I would have certain objections, but I will never speak about it publicly. We can do that somewhere, because you know when you lead the country you have more important things than political blows, it's about Corridor 10, about the Ljig-Preljina section, about the agreed height, about the contract that was signed. That's right, the design was mostly done poorly, so we had to re-design several times. It's not your fault.
This will always happen because all of ours, it often happens that our institutes make mistakes, that we have problems, that they don't go out on the field in the best way, that they draw one thing, and the other is the actual situation, etc.
But you have to understand one thing, for what you said, you didn't pay a single dinar, you agreed that the state should pay 300 million, and we are paying that. We pay, we work. You said - this would be nice if it were there and it costs so much; and we give money and we work. That's just the difference, nothing more.
Secondly, precisely because of the problems you are talking about, we have trouble on the ring road around Dimitrovgrad. Precisely because of those problems. Don't let me tell you about the average Bancarevo, Chiflik - Stanicenje road. Every day I get a headache just because of that, which doesn't mean that someone won't have a headache in the future because of the problems we left behind, but not enough was done, and I know that was the intention.
Do you want me to tell you why, Marko, not enough has been done? Not because of the desire of this or that, there was even a good team that wanted to do it, a professional team. It cannot be done because there is no money. Because public finances were in chaos and disorder. That's why it couldn't be done, not because there was no desire, not because Mrkonjić doesn't know how to build highways, he knows better than everyone, not because this is one way or another, but because he doesn't have money. You cannot finance. Because you can force local contractors to leave and work for you in Feketić, Novi Sad or Feketić-Subotica. After that, they stop and can't do anything anymore, because there is no money. Today there is money, today we pay situation after situation.
You know what they told me about one of those sections? They say - it's our fault that we didn't pay, we were 34 days late. They don't quite agree on the days. Imagine when it got to the point where you were severely criticized for being 34 days late. As it used to be, we were late in payment for 13 years all together. Thirteen years. Now 34 days.
These are the facts and that's why I'm telling you, there was no bad intention. Tadic understood how important infrastructure is. He understood very well and knew it very well. It is not difficult for me to say that. Unlike you, I am not woven from hatred and that I always have to say something against and to hate. He knew it very well, but he couldn't do it because there is no money in the Treasury and that's the end of the story. That was the key problem.
One more thing. You said, you got as much as you got, but we won't say the way. We want about the way. We want to, and I am convinced that in this parliament, we want to open a debate and a conversation on this issue. We really want to talk about the way, because when you talk about the way just two years before or three years before, anyway, you ran such a campaign, the most disgusting campaign that I have ever seen in my life. I will remind the citizens of those disgusting videos against Tomislav Nikolić that you broadcast 5.000 times a day in the worst possible way. And who did that against you? Nobody. Who was doing this in any way? Well, no one.
We had a clean campaign, we had a good campaign, an honest campaign. You know that very well. But there is no campaign, there is no political system that could have brought more than three, five or six percent to some people. Televisions, planes and trucks do not help here, there is only one problem, you are better in everything, everyone likes you very much, the only problem is that when the time comes to vote, the people will not vote for you.
PRESIDENT: Dear Members of Parliament, I would like to inform you that, in accordance with the Rules of Procedure of the National Assembly, we will be working today after 18,00:XNUMX p.m., due to the need to elect the Government of the Republic of Serbia within the legal deadline.
(Vojislav Šešelj: According to the Rules of Procedure.)
Here you go, according to the Rules of Procedure.
VOJISLAV ŠEŠELj: That is according to Article 106 of the Rules of Procedure.
You have a parliamentary majority here of almost 170 deputies, maybe more. The rules of procedure say that no one can interrupt the speaker, but no one can stop the deputies from applauding either.
There are so many of you that your applause is by far the loudest. That's why I demand that the President of the National Assembly warns the guests who are here to be silent and observe and must be objective, neutral, that they cannot applaud, because then it turned out, the guests cannot applaud, except at the ceremonial sessions, as they cannot to vote. They are here to control the work of the National Assembly, not to make a statement. Then it turns out that you got twice as many votes in the elections. Then you got 120%.
I request that the guests be warned that they cannot applaud and throw things.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Therefore, I certainly ask the guests who did, and if they did, I really didn't pay attention, MPs from the list Aleksandar Vučić - Serbia wins, which is not forbidden, clapped, but I didn't really pay attention to whether anyone present in the gallery clapped.
Please don't do that in the future, although among the invitees, I apologize in advance, there are also representatives of different embassies here, so I assume it doesn't apply to them.
(Vojislav Šešelj: Tomorrow when the oath will be taken.)
We will see when the oath will be taken, but I ask those present not to comment on the presentations and not to applaud anyone.
Article 106, for the sake of truth, does not define patting. If we are going to stick to the Rules of Procedure.
(Vojislav Šešelj: It can be a distraction.)
There is no such thing in Article 106 either, but let's move on.
Deputy Čedomir Jovanović has the floor. Here you go.
ČEDOMIR JOVANOVIĆ: Madam President, respected presidency, ladies and gentlemen, MPs, Mr. Vučić, there is hardly a greater difference between the seriousness of the situation in which the entire society finds itself and the atmosphere in which this discussion about your Expose and the Government itself is taking place.
Your convincing victory in the elections, everything that followed in these three months after it, and then what you said yesterday at first glance describes Serbia as a country where everything is known, as a country where the future is absolutely certain, exactly as it is you announced in your performance yesterday.
I had no problem listening to you. I never left the Assembly, and I always did everything within the limits of what is normal to be as strong as possible in the Assembly. It is your right, given to you by the citizens of Serbia, to speak for 20 minutes, as Mirko Cvetković once did, for six hours or as much as you think is necessary to convince the parliament and the country that they have not made a mistake, that you know what needs to be done. do and that you are capable of doing it.
Your six hours, Mr. Vučić, were spent in detailed analyzes of the jobs you did with more or less precise, perhaps even often too extensive descriptions of what you want to do. To me, it looked more like an almost professional discussion that takes place within each department. I don't think you did it by accident.
I think that you wanted to convince people and us that you are very serious and that you know what must be done in the time ahead.
I will tell you what I consider to be a major drawback. Six hours, and so little politics, Mr. Vučić. I don't think it's a coincidence. There are not many people, I think I can count them on the fingers of one hand in this hall, who have enough political experience, and you are certainly among them. I don't think it was an accident, and that's what worries me.
When we spoke for the first time here in the parliament, you as a representative of the coalition that came to power, and I as a representative of the opposition party in 2012, it was a sharp polemic, it was not rude, there was no argument, but it was a sharp polemic, because of major political the differences that existed between us then, I think it is one of the most viewed on YouTube even today.
Today, you were silent about politics or spoke skilfully avoiding the slippery slope, and I want to talk about it, and at the same time I don't believe that we differ so much anymore. This is not because you managed to give me some credit after Radulović, nor is it because there is no other political path ahead of us, but because when you came to power you spoke openly and very often in the same way about the problems in the country as we have always done. That's why I want to bring us back to that policy, because the third Government of your party and your ruling coalition talks about a handful of problems. Some have been partially solved, some are being solved, some have not been touched, but Mr. Vučić, we are not talking about the cause of all that.
You have often been here today and yesterday, you didn't even appeal, it was imperative, you insisted on changes, you said that something can no longer be done and that you will not agree to such behavior at any cost. I think you talked about the mentality of this country and the need to change it. But, Mr. Vučić, all these problems of ours, those unfinished roads, that railroad that travels slower than almost 200 years ago, that destroyed education, the failed industry that we will reindustrialize. Here, Mr. Knežević comes from Zrenjanin. The Americans made films about "Servo Mihalj", and "Servo Mihalj" fed, produced 20% of the food in the country of almost 25 million inhabitants. Everything that failed and is a problem today has its cause in wrong politics.
We haven't talked much, certainly not hidden in the meantime, but I think you know very well, so I would like you to say something about it. How will we solve, give an answer to the three key questions on which the future of this country depends, on which the arrival of a new investor depends, on which the assessment of a young man to stay here to live and not to leave, of a doctor to continue to to heal, and not to look for happiness in some other place, and not to list all the negative statistics of Serbia today.
Kosovo, Bosnia, Europe or Russia, these are three big political issues. We partially responded to them when we made the right moves. That in itself was not enough, and today, it seems to me, that in such complicated circumstances we no longer have the room for maneuver that we had until now. Well, after that, a very complicated relationship in the region and finally, and actually most importantly, our mutual relationships.
Such a tragically divided country, it can do nothing but be unsuccessful, because the ideas behind which you stand here in your exposition are ideas that require time and require the willingness of society to commit to these goals, and the obligation of politicians not to challenge them, but to are just competing, so that, for example, I criticize the choice of one of your ministers, with the message that maybe someone behind whom I stand would build the highway faster, finish "Kostolac" faster, reindustrialize Serbia more efficiently, negotiate loans more efficiently than that your minister of finance does, but not to dispute at the start everything that is your intention. We are not such a country today. It was seen in a strange way yesterday as well.
The opposition cannot change that. You have to change that. The future of this country depends on your willingness to dedicate yourself to that work. You didn't talk about it.
You have often commented on the criticisms you are exposed to, with the attitude that you can bear it, but that you consider something like that to be incorrect. You know very well what our politics are and that none of us can actually say that we have found God knows what pleasure and happiness in it.
I am sorry that we were not able to agree, not about the LDP being in the Government, or about me taking some of the ministerial posts that you are proposing today, but rather that we failed as a society to agree on how we will together respond to those key issues problems, because so far we have not been successful in this. Who cares, Mr. Vučić, what was the name of the person who in the nineties was obliged to take care of the interests of this country, so to ask the question of the sentence, if we do not know how to work, we know how to fight, a little morgen, we will eat roots, we will not bend down. What does it mean anymore today? How pointless was my discussion with your former president, and today here the head of the opposition parliamentary group, Mr. Seselje, about the nineties and what he was doing then?
(Vojislav Šešelj: How meaningless, very meaningful.)
I want to ask you, if you already kept it quiet yesterday, can you tell us today what we will do with that Gordian knot of Kosovo, which we have in our preamble, and most of the world at the Olympic Games as an independent country in Brazil? I don't know of any country that accepted such a thing by itself and gave up a part of its territory. But I don't know of any country that has put itself in such a situation, and especially I don't know that anyone has the right, and we gave ourselves the right in the past, to risk the survival of the entire nation because of the unwillingness to change that society to what it should be. able to pass the reality test.
We are not here as we are today by accident. Today, we are paying the price of a wrong and irresponsible policy with our lives.
I supported you in 2013 when you signed the Brussels Agreement. I never said that I think it's bad that very often, with more or less similarity, you actually express the views that we have expressed for years, so it would be pointless to argue about it. We can talk about something else, whether we would do it more efficiently, but we certainly cannot argue about the determination to preserve peace in Bosnia, to find some way of normal communication and relations with Croatia and to overcome the divisions here in Serbia. That's what we need to talk about today.
You brought one of the biggest investors in the world here in the country and the only one who was ready to invest money in the project called "Belgrade on water". We also had another project on the river. Mišković and Beko stood behind him. They invested 100 million euros. It didn't lead to God knows what, great condemnation, doubts and in the end ruin.
How did we manage to turn something that is a great opportunity for the country into a generator of internal divisions that describe us as a society that is not capable of agreeing within itself on what it must do? How do you think that overcomes... You mentioned those three sheds this morning. Imagine what those three sheds are like when they are one of the key political questions that you answer every day, and you won 50% in the elections. These are serious problems, we have to solve them.
Relations with Europe and Russia. A very difficult question. No one in this country has answered it until now. When you talk about political role models, when you give examples that inspire you to seek support for certain programs here, you mention countries that are mostly in the West. You talk about education in Switzerland, in Austria, about the fact that now America is trying to catch it... How are we going to solve this division within ourselves? What are we going to do in such a complicated time if we continue to insist on that policy, which is strategically unsustainable?
What will we do when, for example, we lose control over the complicated situation in Bosnia because it has evolved in the meantime and is beyond our capabilities? Who is the one who will help us overcome this problem?
I was in Bussy last week, of course. But how many of these "busies" do we have in our lives? Can we say to each other that we have secured the future of this country in such a way that even our children can live in it deprived of that experience that we and everyone before us had?
You know that we have been insisting on Serbia's membership in NATO for years. You know that the obstacle to that is much more serious than a Declaration, which was adopted in this parliament, in which it is said that we will be a militarily neutral country. We have to openly discuss some issues. Without that openness, it will remain unanswered, and I don't know how many deputies and percentages in the elections a future government should get in order to be able to solve them. We don't have time for that anymore.
You have said a lot here about the economy, about healthcare, I mentioned education, infrastructure, you mentioned the judiciary... these are jobs that require some continuity. We're not going to change the Constitution of this country, the education programs from government to government.
I don't know what to tell you about that Clinical Center. I grew up in this city where for 40 years there has been talk about the Clinical Center being completed. I don't know how many tenders, how many work starts, how many failures, but obviously this is a problem that exceeds the capacity of one minister or one government. I can't tell you why this is so, when you yourself can't say where the billion from the health budget disappears. I can tell you that all this describes this country as unfinished and society as one that wanders too much. That is why we need a clear Government, politically clear. That is what we want to discuss today.
I cannot argue with you when you say that we will reduce the budget deficit. Well, of course it should be done. I can't blame you. Some accuse you of going into debt and ask for an increase in wages and pensions. I don't know who else in the world has succeeded. We do not want to focus on that.
I don't know how an economy can function in which the growth of the social product at the moment is e.g. three times lower than the interest rates at which we took loans five years ago? I don't know if you returned the 10% that was taken in 2011 somewhere in America? You take 10%, and you have at that moment one growth social product. So how can it come back?
What can we talk about agriculture? For fifty years, land commiseration has not been done. We want irrigation. What if the tenant who leases the land has a thousand hectares on 30, 40 plots? Every year he goes out again and looks for land to lease. How can he buy machinery when he is not sure that he will work again? How can he be in cooperation with someone when there is no certainty in all that?
We want dual education, but it all depends on the minister's ability to withstand all that awaits the minister of education in the time ahead. Why are the ministers of education leaving us in every government? What was that?
Some ministers here are no longer ministers. You had Tasovac. When he came to the Government, he came as one of the most respected public figures. He came with Udovicic, as far as I remember, in 2013. Successful director of the Philharmonic, one of the most influential public figures. Unlike many, I think he did his job well. I think he did his job well and cut where it really hurts. I don't know what the new minister will be like, I don't want to talk about it... I have nothing to say. Why were these people changed? Where did they go wrong? Did they give up? If they gave up, why? Or you made a mistake when you chose them. He wouldn't be your first. You had other ministers that you elected, so you didn't know what to do with them. It is your responsibility.
Bearing in mind what I have talked about several times in previous years, I am afraid that with this kind of Government you cannot solve these problems on your own, and you do not ask for help. Do you want me to tell you how it ends? I was in a government where two or three people tried to do everything, because they were forced to do so, and also in a party where that rule was valid. In the end we were unsuccessful. Everything that was done was positive. It was put on the back burner in front of those jobs that we couldn't finish on our own.
How do you think you can answer those key political questions? Of course, it is written in the Constitution that Kosovo is part of Serbia. Of course, it is written in the Brussels Agreement - the right of the Serbian community in Kosovo to its own community, but that does not exist in reality. Agreements signed with other countries are also invalid: the demarcation line with Montenegro. Do we expect stability in the outlook? No. Does the world have time for us? There is none. So who will be your partner in all this?
(Vojislav Šešelj: Reply.)
PRESIDENT: Time.
Mr. Seselj, you have no right.
(Vojislav Šešelj: Reply, he mentioned me.)
The mandate holder has the floor.
(Vojislav Šešelj: According to the Rules of Procedure, I have the right to reply, because he mentioned me directly.)
Good, but the chairman decides on the reply.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: Is it okay for you, so that there would be no problems, if I mention you, so that you get a reply again?
(Vojislav Šešelj: I want my two minutes.)
As soon as I'm done, you'll get it. Is that okay?
So, Mr. Jovanović, you have brought up several serious things and I will not be able to answer them all. Not because I couldn't answer in private, but there are things I can't talk about.
I will first answer the latter about mistakes and the appointment of ministers. You always see it as a mistake, and I don't think it was Tasovac's mistake, nor Verbić's. It was someone else's fault, and I always admitted that and I never have that problem. It may have happened to me today or yesterday. I do not think that it is something not human, something that is not normal. That's life. It always happens to you. If you don't have too many such mistakes, then you have done a good job, and I think the election of the Government shows that there were not many such mistakes, because I have nothing bad to say about Verbić or Tasovac.
Don't forget that Verbić had the courage to join the education workers when there was a strike and he agreed with the Government's position, which I greatly appreciate, when he realized that it was precisely because of the deficit that you were talking about that we had to go for fiscal consolidation measures and suffered, of course , the most severe criticism and the most severe attacks in his sector and a bucket of water, I don't know what else, and all that.
In any case, sometimes it is necessary to make a decision about how to change the energy and how to introduce some freshness. I don't think that someone has to be bad to not be a minister. It's not because Minister Nikola Selaković was bad, I think he was good, but there are some other things and some other reasons, both professional and personal, and all sorts of reasons why you make such a decision.
I think that the Government from 2014 to 2016 will definitely, and I also talked about this with Vujović, who is undoubtedly one of the greatest, I should not say the greatest expert in finance in our country, but he is certainly one of the greatest and to some who made The shadow government is a mentor to their ministers and a teacher, etc. The man spent 26, 27 years at the World Bank and the IMF, I think that this Government will go down in history because of the way it solved problems in public finances, primarily around the deficit, and of course, because of the rapid recovery of the economy, the unexpected rapid recovery of the economy without the impact of consumption on growth, so only with the impact of investments and exports.
Now let's get to what you basically said and asked as key questions that I won't be able to fully answer. I will speak as much as I can. We also raised these issues in our talks, the issues of Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina and our relationship with Europe and Russia.
As for the issue of Kosovo, the only solution, at the moment, that would cut the Gordian knot is for us to openly say it to our people and our citizens, and that would be for the Government to recognize Kosovo. The government can't do it, the government won't do it, and I think you're right, we have a lot of problems here, and on my patriotic side, where we lie to each other that it's our most valued word, and when you ask them when was the last time you were in Glogovac, no they don't even know where Glogovac is and they don't know that there hasn't been a single Serb for a long time. Even before the conflict, there were only a few Serbs living in Kosovo, whom we appointed only to manage the municipality. Criminals who create phantom companies for us, various criminals, create phantom companies where they write that they founded that company in Srbica because they think it is a Serbian place, because it has the word Serb at the base, not knowing that there is not a single Serb there except in Devič monastery . There were not many of them even before the war, just as many as in Glogovac. That is why it is true that ignorance largely leads us to extremism which we like to applaud and which we admire, but that does not mean that we have the right to accept to give up what is our territory, because you will allow according to that principle in many other countries in the surrounding area borders changed much faster than the borders of the Republic of Serbia would change. That's why the Government of Serbia cannot accept it, but that's why I'm aware and you know very well that we did a difficult and worst job.
Professionally, the most difficult day for me was the day after the Brussels Agreement, because Dacic had an obligation in America, if I'm not mistaken, I had to go to Kosovska Mitrovica and explain to all Serbs what the Brussels Agreement is. Then I told them one sentence. All day and all night I endured insults, curses, physical attacks. It is my job as Prime Minister to suffer from my people.
Then I said one sentence to them - Remember, as we attacked the Dayton Agreement and today I was able to find where we have Grahovo, where we have Drvar, where we have Petrovac, what about Ključ, what about Glamoč, what about us is with the surroundings of Sarajevo where Serbs lived from Ilidža, Vozuća, Rajlovac to many other things. Today, Dayton is a scripture that protects the rights of the Serbs, that protects the rights of the Republika Srpska, and that protects the Republika Srpska. I told them then - We will refer to the Brussels Agreement, it will be like scripture for us.
Look at today, what is happening today is that the Albanian side is not fulfilling the Brussels Agreement. I can see why too. I read translated, I can't boast that I know the Albanian language, but I read translated and Albanian press from Kosovo and everything else, I see what kind of disagreements there are, what kind of tensions there are between them and what it looks like, but they won't have a better political situation for a long time to could deliver what was agreed in Brussels.
Of course, they use the opportunity to attack us every day, and I keep quiet about it, because when they talk about some agreements they interpret them differently, it doesn't even matter. We have to work with them and we have to talk. The one who won't talk and who thinks it will be resolved, why are you talking to them. I would get countless applause if I said now that there was enough talk, now we are going to cut it and there is no more. It is such nonsense that I am speechless.
A large number of people live there, if you were to tell them the next day that you want to have 60 Albanian deputies from Kosovo here, without you being the deputies, they would all of a sudden hold their heads and say wait a minute. We're not going to do it that way, to be completely honest, and you're right.
That's why we need it, and that's why I think people understood it, we need a serious and responsible policy, on the one hand, nationally responsible in terms of protecting our border and our territory. On the other hand, nationally responsible from the point of view you talked about, which will mean no conflicts and no looking down that we are Iberales and that they are a lower race and a lower people, which when you look at the research, you see that a part of our people think in such a way , primarily about Albanians.
We have to fight for more Albanians in central Serbia, to pass through Belgrade and leave money here. When we say it like that, when they oppose it, I'm afraid he hasn't thought enough about his future. Albanians are a nation on the rise, currently they are the second largest after the Western Balkans, we are the largest nation, which will not be the case in 40 years if we do not change ourselves and do something about the birth rate and other key issues. Someone has to take care of that. As you know, and I know you know because I know which foreigners you can talk to, they all make a strategy for the Serbian-Albanian relationship because they know that in the next 130-140 years, because they are looking at that period, these will be two key nations in the Western Balkans.
We have to talk to those people. We have to look for a solution with those people in the future. The one who doesn't want to look for a solution and the one who doesn't want to talk can't understand well what the future of Serbia is. It is not a question of what the West wants, it is a question of our relationship with the people we live with. I don't see that it is possible for us to have a better policy at this point, but you are right about one thing, more people need to get involved. There will be time to talk, there will be time to work.
As far as BiH is concerned, the situation is more complicated, much more complicated and much more difficult because it includes two external factors from the region, namely the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Croatia, as guarantors of the Dayton Peace Agreement.
We have no fault, I will not accept that we are the same. We are not to blame for today's relationship with the Republic of Croatia, we are not the same in anything. We didn't do anything to them. There are some other reasons that I will not talk about here in front of people, there are some things that as the Prime Minister and someone who is the head of the service, I know what the different reasons are and it is our job to help our people.
We managed to ensure that the Republika Srpska has good relations with the Republic of Serbia, to get out of several turbulent political crises. We and they did it together. We also managed to have the best relationship with the representatives of Serbia in Croatia, and as you know, they are anything but extremists.
You see, unlike others who might have cursed or thrown something at you in Busije or I don't know what to say, I am very pleased that you were in Busije. It is not difficult for me to say that publicly. I think it was an excellent signal and I wish more people from different political parties came to Busije and showed respect for the Serbian victims and respect for those who were forced to flee Krajina at that time.
I have no problem with that. I don't decide according to personalities and whether I like someone's face more or less. I decide according to the actions, according to the one who does or does not do something for Serbia.
This Gordian knot is impossible to cut. That struggle, that battle will continue, but it is important that we know well what is realistic and that we make our political moves in accordance with reality. I think that's how we made political moves, and we will continue to do so in the future and in accordance with what I said yesterday.
You said something also important, and think about it, Mr. Jovanovic, and I won't answer you until the end. How far would it lead us to pursue a different policy, and you know very well what the attitude of our people is when you talk about different world powers.
This is the only way of conducting politics so that we don't lose all the others and don't stick with just one. The only possible way of conducting politics is for Serbia to maintain good relations with everyone, to have its strategic goal - the EU, but to maintain the best relations with the Russian Federation as well, if you ask the people...
(applause)
(Nataša Jovanović throws in.)
...if we were to ask, Cedomire, the people in the referendum, I would lose for sure.
What is it that bothers you so much that people are applauding, decent people, normal people? Please don't, please, applaud them when they say to get a little more power to think they are stronger. Don't worry. It will be fine.
PRESIDENT: No, but the SNS parliamentary group has many deputies...
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: Is it necessary for the replica?
(Vojislav Šešelj: I want a reply to Čedomir Jovanović, not you.)
He wants Chedi's replica, not me.
PRESIDENT: Yes, just to finish his mandate.
Have you finished speaking?
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: I haven't yet.
Therefore, I am not sure that the policy that I presented yesterday, if it had been presented in such a naked way, would have received majority support, and if it had not received majority support, I am afraid that it would have been presented in a different or more naked way, I am afraid that Serbia would have lost.
On the other hand, you spoke about division in society. I don't see division in society, I see hatred in society. I see first of all, we don't have two parts, we have different genders, we also have a central part, but I see the fanaticism and when you speak, you are absolutely right about "Port of Belgrade", whatever I think about those people, you are absolutely right about "Belgrade on lead" everything is correct. I have nothing to add. Whatever I add would be wrong.
About three sheds, it's not a problem in three sheds, you're right. Sheds were never a problem. There were never those who brought buses there to park illegally, charged them for parking, without having the right to do so. No problem that they were involved in crime, nothing. The problem in the three sheds is not because of that. The problem is that the problem is Aleksandar Vučić, I'll tell you. It's not Sinisa Mali's problem, it's not so-and-so's problem.
Someone to invest three million dollars in a campaign for three sheds, invested three million dollars because he wanted someone else's head. That's the bottom line. And those three sheds are not important, they will find three new sheds, they will also find two sheds, they will find whatever they want to call themselves and find something as a sufficient reason. There are as many reasons as you want.
As I never understood everything that was said about the helicopter. I never understood. I put myself in the shoes of those who did it and I said - I would never do this. I don't understand what this is about. Then I saw how the campaign for helicopters was also supported from the side, and then I realized that someone felt it was a political project, just like they did in Romania, just like they did in Albania, just like they did in Slovakia. You will not believe, in the same way the same story about a helicopter, coincidentally a helicopter. All in the same way.
Why is it necessary? Well, that's necessary when you can't find a serious argument, then someone has to use falsehoods, someone has to, and I'm not talking about you at all, of course, to use lies and use it for their dirtiest possible campaign, to use passion and emotions, because they have nothing else.
And we have come to the point where it bothers people - I don't care if we don't have a deficit, great, it's best if we have destroyed public finances. The people who bother the most are those who are the most diligent, who are the most diligent. This is how far we have come in Serbia. And that is the problem of resentment because some cannot work, they fight for their lost positions.
I read the data yesterday. Whatever murder happens, there is no country, no city where it does not happen. In Baltimore in one month you had 83 killed, in Chicago 65. I think it was last month. Listen, people, in Serbia you don't have that in four months, five months, in all of Serbia. Baltimore is much smaller than Serbia, so you had it on a monthly basis.
The first explanation is everywhere - the nineties are back. Why are the nineties back? Because we don't know what else to say. Because we would like to see our people in power, we have to help them, that way we will live better and don't let you, whom we hated so much for those 15, 20 years, put something into action. It has nothing to do with serious argumentation.
I tried to hear serious objections, that there are serious objections. For me, politics is life. I was dealing with life matters yesterday, but you're right about the narrower realm of politics. I may have skipped it on purpose. It was not KiM. I am running as far as I can as Prime Minister. I know what our obligations are regarding Republika Srpska, and I avoid the issue of relations with Bosnia and Croatia as much as I can. I run away to answer. I run away from saying anything.
You want me to ask someone every day - where are those who wanted to lynch me in Srebrenica? You want me to tell you what it is that we know everything about that attack and what was the ultimate goal and what was the intention and I remain silent and no man is responsible. No man answered. Nobody says anything. We are also silent. We are going to Mostar, I will meet with Bakir. I reach out and talk about everything as if nothing had happened. Imagine if that happened to some other statesman somewhere in the world, so we wouldn't be able to move forward, they wouldn't say good morning to us in the next 15 years. And I say - no problem. I forgot everything, let me go, no problem.
Here comes their next one - now we're banning you since you stole the show from last year. It was a show as if I had organized it. I wanted to organize my own murder and you are silent again. That's why I was silent yesterday, I said it in three sentences and that's why I talked about the economy for four hours, because I'm silent, because I want to preserve peace and stability, because I want to defend it.
Thank you for your comments. They were very serious and serious.
(Vojislav Šešelj: Can I do it now?)
PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Just a moment. A little patience for me to pronounce it. I know you would like to lead the parliament, but you can't.
I carefully studied Article 104. I can only give you a reply because it was brought to my attention that MP Jovanović said that he had meaningless discussions or debates with you.
(Vojislav Šešelj: There is no greater insult than that.)
Although that discussion was 20 years ago, but the pain seems to be of immeasurable proportions if you remember it 20 years ago.
Two minutes and that's it.
VOJISLAV ŠEŠELj: I'm telling you this honestly, I had no idea that Čedomir Jovanović wanted so much to be a minister and to join this government. I really didn't know. I was not at this big, commemorative meeting in Bussi because no one invited me, and I really wanted to go. I once formed Busje as a settlement, so to speak. And there I had the opportunity to meet with Cedo Jovanović and he asked me to urge his former political associate...
PRESIDENT: Member of Parliament, you have received a response to explain why you are pained by the senseless discussion.
VOJISLAV SESELJ: That hurts me.
PRESIDENT: Does that hurt you?
VOJISLAV ŠEŠELj: To urge Aleksandar Vučić, as he said, whose party leader I was.
Although, in our party, those categories of bosses are not known, we are not like the Democrats. If Čedomir Jovanović had told me that, I would have really looked for Aleksandar Vučić, in some way, I would have found him somehow and asked him to take Čeda Jovanović into the Government, and for Čeda to bring Čumet again and to pave the whole of Serbia. When Chume did those jobs, it worked best. I would suggest that instead of Zorana Mihajlović, who did not want to stay in this government anyway, that Čeda Jovanović be the assistant to Minister Čuma, and that you see how things are done. Then they wouldn't complain that those roads are paved slowly. It all went like clockwork.
Well, now my soul is easier, and I didn't use the full two minutes.
PRESIDENT: Thank you, if I was of any help.
The floor is Čedomir Jovanović. Here you go.
CEDOMIR JOVANOVIĆ: Mr. Vučić, you still cannot remain silent about such serious issues as the ones we discussed...
PRESIDENT: Wait, Deputy Jovanovic, you answer to Seselj or...?
ČEDOMIR JOVANOVIĆ: No, no.
PRESIDENT: You are looking for the first one. I apologize.
ČEDOMIR JOVANOVIĆ: Of course, I can't keep quiet about them, not because it's some whim of mine, but I simply think it's my obligation. You are right when you describe the reactions of our society, but I am sure that no one in Serbia would reject the proposal that the Swiss rejected when the government offered them 2500 euros per inhabitant in a referendum to increase spending.
I said about our society that it does not pass the test of reality, and that is no accident. It is a consequence of the politics that have been conducted here, not the previous four years, that have been conducted since we have been involved in politics. That is why we are subsequently a very smart people. Now we understand the importance of the offer from the 1990s, the European community for a peaceful solution to the Yugoslav crisis. Now we understand the significance of Dayton. What would you give for Rambouillet? What would you give for Ahtisaari's plan when we compare it with the Brussels agreement? This is all a consequence of the fact that politics in Serbia has never had the strength to be concrete to the extent that the circumstances in which the country finds itself require.
That is why I said that this discussion is very strange. Seemingly such power, full hall, strong applause, and on the other hand you have to bypass those questions. Will we be stronger tomorrow? If we are going to be, let's say - we will be stronger because of this and that, so I will agree with you. I know it's hard to talk about. This has a decisive effect on Serbia.
THE PRESIDENT: Time. Thank you, MP.
Would you like to be brief? Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: Just a few sentences.
Yes, I think that Serbia will be stronger as much as it is economically stronger. I think we are on the right track in that regard.
You know, when you go by boat or ship, and on one bank you have a "Prague" shooting at you, and on the other bank a three-barrel waiting, and you need to get the ship through, you don't have to speak and notify each other that you're just passing through , but you are looking to avoid it, to get the ship through to a safe harbor. That is what I think is not only the best, but the only possible policy.
Unfortunately, against hypocrisy, and that is why it is not difficult for me to say that sometimes you are right, just as it is not difficult for me to say that you are sometimes wrong, but there is as much hypocrisy in our society as you want. For the same statements, you are accused of spreading nationalism, and now I hear that the former president accused me of spreading nationalism in the region by declaring that there will be no more "Storm". Imagine, I guess I should have said - we need another "Storm", or - we need another suffering of our people, in order for them to be satisfied and to be a great peacemaker. I know why he said that, flattering others, that someone might think that Vučić should be replaced because he threatens stability in the region, and he will restore it and Serbia will once again be an obedient country that will fulfill all orders.
(People's deputy Vojislav Šešelj throws from the seat.)
This is exactly what he announced ten minutes ago, exactly what he said verbatim, I quoted him, so I did not paraphrase, to declare that there will be no more "Storm" against the Serbian people, I am spreading nationalism in the region. Here, I repeat to him one more time - Serbia will never again allow anyone to have a "Storm" and expel some 250 thousand people. I think it is a politics of peace, not a politics of conflict, because "The Storm" was a politics of conflict, a politics of attack, a politics of killing and expulsion.
One of your questions is floating in the air from your first presentation, and that is - have we secured the future of the country? We are not, just as when we graduate from university, we are not done studying and do not have enough knowledge, but we have to study every day. We have never secured our future, especially in the conditions and political framework in which Serbia moves, in which Serbia lives.
We have countless problems everywhere you turn. Regulation of public finances, somewhat more favorable economic environment today than it was two, three, four, or six or seven years ago. So, but it's not enough. For now, any political instability will destroy all that and destroy it for the next ten years. That's why you are right that we have to look carefully and take care of what we do in the future. But, regarding this within Serbia, just think about what such a blunt question would lead to in our country, what conclusions would we reach and where would we end up? We would no longer be talking about the deficit here, we would be talking about our internal wars and conflicts here. The question is whether we would also avoid weapons, and not to mention the external factor and regional stability.
That's why I think this was the wisest policy, the best policy, not because I'm very smart or any of us are very smart, but because it was imposed as the only possible, realistic, rational, serious and nationally responsible solution.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
I suggest we move on.
The floor is Dragan Marković Palma.
DRAGAN MARKOVIĆ: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, candidates for ministers, respected MPs, United Serbia will support the Government, as it supported the previous two governments. We didn't have ministers, directors of public companies then, and we won't have them in this next term of four years, if the government lasts for four years. But I will not speak the way I prepared, but I will speak the way the Prime Minister spoke and gave answers to certain questions in the last 15-20 minutes.
What is most important for the progress of a country? Political stability. When there is political stability, there is also economic stability. You did not brag about it, Prime Minister, that the stability of the dinar is the most important thing for the development of a country. And, you, that is, we reduced salaries and pensions, but loan installments did not increase for citizens who took out loans in the last two years. Creditworthiness was - up to 30% of your salary is paid in installments.
Those loan users who took loans seven or eight years ago found themselves in a situation where their loan installment is 70% of their salary, while those who took loans two years ago were left with the same installment. But, the most important thing for economic entities and for large, medium and small companies that sometimes when they take a loan, the exchange rate difference eats up their earnings and that's why such companies went into bankruptcy and later into liquidation. That economic stability and the stability of the dinar attracted foreign investors, and without foreign investors today the Government of the Republic of Serbia would not have a budget surplus, whether we want to admit it or not. It is good that you said in your exposition that domestic investors will have the same rights, if they want to have a safe and profitable program, that they will employ workers, they will have the same rights as foreign investors.
You mentioned Croatia. Croatia is a big obstacle for Serbia on its European path, but Serbia is a member of the EU and I have said this many times, that Croatia does not work alone, because the Serbian people also remember Ante Starčević, i.e. Ante Pavelić and Ante Gotovina, who committed the greatest genocide against the Serbian people. people after the Second World War, who was first convicted in the Hague Tribunal, and then the big world lobbies and those who pressed the button to bomb Serbia freed him. United Serbia has its own position on this and on the Hague Tribunal, that the Hague Tribunal was created as a court for Serbs.
What I especially want to emphasize is that there were several higher forces that indirectly influenced the economic development and stability of Serbia, Brexit. When it comes to the UK, we know very well how the UK is sympathetic towards Serbia, Turkey and asylum seekers. Serbia was one of the most hospitable countries where asylum seekers passed through in transit. When I am with the asylum seekers, I want to praise our police and army, which did not behave like the police and army of Croatia and Hungary, and beat the asylum seekers. I am very glad that you said in your exposition that the salary of both the army and the police will be increased.
I am also glad that you said in your presentation that pensions will be increased. You have a great responsibility, but for your party, of course, not for my coalition. Perhaps we are also a little damaged because we did not say in the election campaign that after the election, within six to eight months, pensions and salaries would be increased. So, I don't believe that anyone in the world from political parties, leaders, would keep it quiet. Both you and we, as your former and future political partners, said that it was difficult, that it would get better. But, if we had said that then, Prime Minister, a greater number of parties would not be in parliament today.
What is still important for the United Serbia and what we will support and support? Dual education. I could see on the field that we have come to a situation where we no longer have craftsmen, that we cannot hire those high school students in the factories, they are all with faculties. Those who did not graduate from university, but work in state and public enterprises, they continue their education, graduate from university, and we do not have high school students, craftsmen, that we will employ in factories.
Likewise, I suggest that those who graduate from high school and university, if they were to be given a test, and the test contains professional questions from the profession they have completed, those young people are not professional because they have not had practice, it is not their fault. I propose that all those who graduate from high school have either professional practice or whatever we want to call it, until the way of education is changed, that half is financed by the local self-government for three months, and for three months by the state, that six months of this practice enable that young man to one of the private individuals received him. There is no urgency with private companies and that now you or I can call or any of the ministers and say - hire me this guy or this girl. When he goes to the interview, if he has no idea about the job, that employer will not hire such young people. That is our biggest problem at the moment.
When it comes to agriculture, some kind of control for buyers must be introduced as a matter of urgency, because buyers, not the state, are the biggest culprits that the price of grain was 17 dinars at harvest, and 15 dinars 14 days after. Both citizens and farmers think that the Government is to blame for this. Likewise, milk producers due to hoarding, if someone had 20 cows ten years ago, loses three cows each year through the difference in price. It is a huge problem, and the Government of the Republic of Serbia and the relevant minister, former and future, cannot solve it alone.
What else is important, what you didn't say, and that it was a huge result of the previous government? You sold a factory called a factory, which is a wreck "Sartid" in Smederevo, like a ship or a boat that has been standing on the shore of a sea or a river for 20 years. It is a huge success, bearing in mind that the products produced by "Sartid" cannot be marketed in Serbia and Europe only, and that you brought the owner of that factory who has customers and markets all over the world. What is most important for the stability of a factory and a company today? The market. The market is not won by marketing in six months and you win big markets. Likewise, cooperation with China and the President of China is an extremely big thing for the Republic of Serbia. So, farmers found themselves in a big problem, but not through the Government's fault.
What is important for agricultural producers? Yes, in the future, and this has never been done before, and it is not difficult, since the statistics exist, which are the agricultural products that are in deficit and which are imported, and only in time, now in this month of September, farmers are told - next year you can sow grain, corn or to look after calves, lambs or pigs. It is not difficult for the Government. Also, the hoarders, Prime Minister, seemed to increase the price of pigs and it took a short time for them to buy back those pigs, only a few, since they were not in large quantities, and now we don't have enough pork at the moment and we have to import. This is also not the fault of the Government and the relevant minister. When I say the relevant minister, I also mean Rasim Ljajić, a gentleman who may have some responsibility when markets are built, and then in those markets we have goods in racks from all over the world, at least from Serbia, but we also have Cefta, we also have the Association Agreement and stabilization. This is not a criticism, Mr. Ljajic, don't think it is a criticism, this is my statement. I'm sure that's why you're in power so much because you're professional and capable. If you weren't capable, you wouldn't have been in power for so many years, so it's not a criticism.
Agricultural producers need a loan, but a loan that is not expensive, a loan without interest or someone to service the interest. Banks also destroyed farmers, foreign banks. Those banks that earn money do not build factories from the money earned in Serbia, but take the money to the countries where they came from. I don't know what this gentleman will be the next minister for, but don't advocate for the prime minister, agriculture, these are all departments that are important to you. Don't just be like Mr. Veselinov, and I hope you're not like that, he understood agriculture so well that he entered the field only when he was on the highway, so he felt like going to the toilet, and there was nowhere near a hotel, and at night when he went in poaching, I hope you are a little more expert. He didn't know how to tell a cow from a bull. But it's true.
Tourism, "Belgrade on the water", when I saw the project "Belgrade on the water", I was happy because it is something new, something new that is not found anywhere in Europe. Something new that will employ a large number of workers and something new that will also help other tourist towns and municipalities in Serbia. Because, what can the Prime Minister or relevant minister show if someone comes to visit him, something that has been made new, something that is beautiful, and so those who come to invest in our country have a certain amount of trust.
Two years ago, Prime Minister, we had floods that destroyed many cities in Serbia, and it is not true that Europe helped us and compensated us for the complete damage, so they criticized that I don't know how many people drowned, etc. and it rained for 20 days. In just one night, 25 people died in Macedonia, died in the flood and I don't know how many people disappeared. And, you cannot bear such responsibility and guilt, and a lot has been done to rehabilitate the banks next to the rivers that flooded certain municipalities and cities.
International politics, you and Ivica Dacic, were the best representatives of the Serbian people of all time, since Serbia led international politics.
Let me just tell you, 56 countries came to Serbia last year, their representatives, for the summit or we don't know what to call that meeting, the Ministerial Council, when Serbia was the chairman of the OSCE. We left the best impression as an organizer of all the presiding countries in the last 30 years that have played a role like Serbia. All this, mostly thanks to you, but also to your first vice president, Ivica Dačić.
I can congratulate you on your wisdom, because I know your mentality, what you were like before and that lately you are not representing the interest and ideology, but the interest of the citizens of Serbia. What happened to you in Srebrenica, no one would have kept silent about it, if you had brought that son of Ali and led him through Knez Mihailova, so that he could see the peaceful and honest people and see how many citizens of Serbia, that is, Serbs, were expelled from the area where he was now the main boss, and once his dad. So I congratulate you on that and it is something that leads a united Serbia to vote for the Government and for the ministers, because I really can't blame you for anything.
Now, let me say this. Journalists call me, but I don't want to go there, they send me messages, how am I going to vote for a lady who is a representative of the LGBT population.
(Vojislav Šešelj: Well, we are interested in that.)
I'm going to tell you now. United Serbia and I personally have nothing against those people, if they are experts let them lead certain departments, but we will never accept and support a gay parade and we will never accept and support the legalization of homosexual marriages. And you should applaud now, come on, applaud a little, because you think you're silent, but it doesn't matter. I expect and invite the lady to visit Jagodina, we will not talk about ....
(Vojislav Šešelj: About sex.)
...we will talk about the development of local self-governments, so simply, Mr. Vučić, I am addressing you and you have not liked many things in your life, but you have accepted them. Is that so? In the interest of the citizens of Serbia?
I advocate that a man and a woman get married, that children be born and that we fight against the white plague, because you said that every year in Serbia a city the size of Zrenjanin disappears, and that is a huge problem, that in 50 years the Serbs will to be a national minority in Serbia. So I don't mind the members of the LGBT population, or I don't know what their names are, even though they sued me and I paid a fine, I'll pay, it doesn't matter, but my attitude hasn't changed.
Mr. Vučić, I had the biggest problem with your deputies, that was their question every ten minutes, and how are you going to vote now, and what are you going to do, exactly those who are sitting to my left. Here, now you have heard how I will vote.
PRESIDENT: Please, time.
DRAGAN MARKOVIĆ: It's not over. Well, in the end, JS will once again support the Government of the Republic of Serbia and help as much as we know, and we can help a lot. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Since the screens don't show the time, only my watch counts.
Here you go, Prime Minister.
ALEKSANDAR VUČIĆ: I'll be brief, we'll lose a little less than what you mentioned, a city the size of Negotin or Prijepolje, but still a huge loss and I'm afraid we're all talking about it as a statistic, and we'll try to do something for the first time.
Macedonia has succeeded in something, not enough, we will perhaps use part of their experience from that professional man I met, who worked for the Macedonian government, let's hire him, let's see what it is, because it doesn't matter, since people usually say that it is with rights, child benefits, maternity rights. They are bigger, more pronounced and better here than in Germany. There you have to go to work after three or six months, here you can go two years without going to work. It's not about that, it's about awareness above all, the fact that we have become more selfish and a lot of things that we have to change in order to make a better result.
As for Ana Brnabić, I answered the questions and said everything I have, and then I will also say something about this Mr. Nedimović. So, we chose Ana, it was my proposal, therefore, no one came to me to tell me, it was my idea and I asked the others to accept that idea because I know Ana as a very professional, very diligent person and a woman who did not afraid of challenges. Never with her, and we have seen each other, it seems to me, it is excessive to say a hundred times, but we have seen each other dozens of times at different conferences, had conversations and at meetings and so on, we never discussed that topic.
We talked for the last time, the first and the last time, and as far as I'm concerned we ended up talking about it because she was very kind and polite, we talked about what the objections might be, so we knew that one of the objections might be be that too, more to me, I suppose, than to her, how are you? She was so fair and so kind that she said - well, who's the problem, they'll probably start it. I said that it is not a problem for me, it is her business, this is a free country.
But that does not mean that I should say to those who say that we have already legalized homosexual marriages, so I guess they are scaring the people and thus gaining some of the votes. We haven't done it, nor is there any plan, nor is there any idea. This has nothing to do with the rights of the people that we will guarantee and fight for and protect, and Ana is not, as some media reported, the LGBT minister, she is the minister for state administration and local self-government and she is there in the Government of the Republic Serbia, when she is elected, she is there because she is worth it, because she is diligent, because she has knowledge, education, that is why she is there, and not because she is a man or a woman, or because she has this or that sexual orientation.
So, it has to do simply with, otherwise, the fact that I hear you, like once upon a time during the Confederacy efforts, that key variant. There must be so many women, there must be so many. Sometimes there will be more women, sometimes less, sometimes there will be more of these, sometimes more of those, depending on who deserves it, and we will pursue such a policy.
You are right, Mr. Marković, about agriculture. Regarding the price of grain, it has nothing to do with the Government of Serbia. There is a stock market, there is a market. Were some buyers doing something, if you can help us, the competent authorities would be happy to investigate it.
On the other hand, as far as milk is concerned, we have helped the dairy industry so much and Minister Bogosavljević has been very committed to doing that. We introduced, as I already told you, certain mechanisms and overpayments for which we received earmarks from the EU five times, and serious objections and serious protests and everything else. We stuck with it because it was the only way to protect our dairy industry. I am not saying that the conditions are ideal, we are not France to be able to offer subsidies, but neither are the costs like in France.
They usually tell you - farmers, you know, they get so many euro cents, so many euros per head, per liter, for I don't know why. Well, yes, but everything you need for food is incomparably cheaper here than there. It's just that we always skip it.
Of course the conditions are not great, we will try to improve them and people can live more easily, but they also have to look to the future and change themselves, as you do, as I do, as each of us does .
As for Nedimović and what he was talking about, we talked about pork. I had a conversation about this with Rasim Ljajić. We could have intervened from the commodity reserves at the same second, we have no problem there, but you won't do it for every market disruption, in this case we are talking about a European market disruption, so that you all know what it is about.
The Chinese came and bought 20 million pigs in Germany three months ago. When you buy 20 million pigs in Germany, there is a market disruption, especially in a country that does not have enough pork for its own needs, but no one will say so. And of course there is less disruption. In 10 days, there will be no such disturbance.
It is understood that we once again witnessed pathological hypocrisy in which, even when the price is increased, it is not enough for the producers and it is not good, but it is made so that it is not good for the producers either. I don't know why such an increased price is wrong. Of course, it is not good for consumers either. Here, the price will return now and you will see again that we will be faced with criticism because it does not suit the manufacturers. And it's always like that.
Of course, our production is a very shallow pig, that's why we insisted. I told you about the swine fever and whatever I say here, they will tell me - well, but they should. And you know why you should? Well, because we have not created the conditions for pigs as they have in all other European countries, there is no fear of swine flu, and that is why we have to vaccinate. And that's why we can't export a single pig. That's why we can't work with the Chinese, who are our excellent friends, with whom we can agree on both lamb and veal, we can't agree on pork, precisely because of this, because we don't meet the conditions that any other country prescribes.
Only we won't say it. Because we're never going to move on from that. Tell me, Dragan, when, you and anyone else, when it happened in Serbia that one of the politicians who was not in the government at that moment, one of the media, any government media, no longer has them, has a Public Service, who said something against someone on strike? Every time the one who comes to strike, even if he came with the most idiotic reason in the world, is always right. Is that right? Well, it is. Because in Serbia it is easiest to be against and say - I am threatened. And no one asks him - wait, wait, let's see that.
And then you say - why don't they give him money? And tomorrow you ask me where my salaries and pensions are. Well, because from the same one from which we pay, we have one jar, you know, from that one jar we should pay it all and that there should not be less money in that jar, that it should not fail, that we should not transfer it from someone else so that we would have to pay back more .
And we haven't paid back those 7,50 and 7,65% interest rates yet. We couldn't roll them over yet. We haven't been able to do that yet because there are no simple rules. And they criticized us, here in the parliament, you remember, they criticized us when we took out long-term loans, not three-year, five-year, but ten-year loans at 2% interest. You know what we would give? We would save if we could do that if we could immediately replace it, somewhere around 800, 900 million, but we can't.
Because people who don't know, have no idea about the country talk nonsense. They liked it that way. They are sitting in front of the TV - oh, how would I respond to this, and what would I do if I met him on the street. And they have no connections, they have no idea about anything and that's how it happens. Those are the problems. These are problems that we cannot easily solve. You are right.
This for Sartid, God looked at us. We worked hard. I always say, God alone will not, you have to help him, you have to work hard, but yes, it coincided exactly with us that the Chinese, our friends, wanted to get involved. No one else would.
Look at the losses of "Tata" in Britain. Look at Mittal's losses everywhere in the world, the biggest in the world. The Chinese also come here under such conditions, despite the EU's announcements of anti-dumping measures. And here, now the Chinese have introduced anti-dumping measures to them, they killed them, as far as steel exports to China are concerned, they killed them. And the door is open to us, both here and there.
We deserve it, we worked, we fought, but God also looked at us, if that's what I can call it. And I'm not shying away from saying that at all. As somewhere, we also worked hard, were on the edge, as was "Fap" Pribojski, it didn't work out. We fought and we will fight. And we will continue to work.
As far as professional practice is concerned, we have one problem, Dragan. Our company will not, we would have to organize it with utility companies at the local level. This is what these foreign companies want. That is why they are interested in dual education.
To me, Shimon Perez, when I met him, is a living legend, you are a heavyweight in world politics, he told me - in a year or so, whoever does it first will be ahead of the rest. Workers will have to work six hours a day and two hours a day to study, and students will have to study for five hours and work for three hours. And the one who accepts it, that one will be successful, the one that is the last in it, that one has failed, and that one disappears. As you can see, he was absolutely right. Look at the indicators of Denmark, Switzerland, Germany and Austria, and you will see that they have surpassed the rest of Europe in terms of stability, employment and everything else. And some great powers cannot measure up to them.
I want to thank you for your support. We are always ready to hear, to listen to your remarks, to answer them, to help if we can, and we expect your support and help in ideas, knowledge and energy that you have. Thanks again.
CHAIRMAN (Veroljub Arsić): Thank you.
Honorable Members of Parliament, in accordance with Article 87, Paragraph 1 of the Rules of Procedure of the National Assembly, I am now ordering a one-hour break. We resume work at 15.00:XNUMX p.m.
(After a break.)
PRESIDENT: Is Milorad Mijatović in the hall?
Should I go to the list if none of the authorized people respond?
MP Milan Lapčević has the floor.
Mr. Lapčević, please, the microphone is yours.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: If you can give me back the time, if it's not a problem.
Dear Ms. Gojković, ladies and gentlemen, MPs, candidates for future ministers in the Government, Mr. Mandate, I will start by saying that yesterday we were displeased with the way in which this session was convened. Namely, we waited three months for that call for the session to come, and then the session started at the shortcut of 24 hours without proper preparation.
We considered that it was expedient to receive both the composition of the Government and your Expose a few days earlier, to have valid preparations and to be ready to answer all those questions and doubts that we can see in your Expose and to give some constructive suggestions.
We do not understand why this session was convened in such a short-cut manner, and we also do not have answers to the questions as to why we are waiting so long for the formation of the Government, considering that we have constantly heard the reasons that it is necessary to speed up the reforms, that it is necessary to form the Government as soon as possible, and your promises to already in May, you have the composition of the Government and that you still need two or three ministers and that by the end of May, then by the middle of June, then by the end of June, then by the Paris Conference, then by the British government, then by August 10 we are therefore, they spent three whole months thinking about what the government would be like.
What are the real reasons for that? Were you hesitant about what will be your new fresh blood in the Government or are there other reasons, maybe other pressures from the side, as the media write and what pressures, who pressured you? Why did you have problems forming the Government when you have an absolute majority?
Also, we have heard from you several times that you do not allow anyone to put pressure on you, so it is simply incompatible for us that there is pressure when you are a person that no one can put pressure on. These are important issues that could be clarified in public.
Also, we did not like your attitude towards the National Assembly and MPs. Namely, we appreciate your effort and your systematicity in compiling the Government's program for three months, that the program is more than 350 pages long. We also appreciate the fact that you presented here continuously for six hours yesterday. Despite many disagreements about content and method, we sat here and patiently listened to what you had to tell us. But, it is completely unacceptable and incomprehensible to us that after so much preparation of a comprehensive program, when after six presentations of yours, your parliamentary majority at my request to be granted double time for the discussion so that we could analyze what you wrote...
Please, if you could apply Article 104.
PRESIDENT: Article 104 is a replica, so I would not like to give it to them now.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Good, but follow the Rules of Procedure, please, so that there is order in the hall, if it is not a problem.
THE PRESIDENT: There was a show called "Do as ordered" when we were little. I cannot act according to the Rules of Procedure, but I will certainly ask them to complain a little more quietly.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: So, it is really insulting that after such a comprehensive presentation, your parliamentary majority votes against us getting double time and being able to properly discuss everything that you have foreseen in your Government program.
It only shows that you want to be completely dominant and that you have more time and that your presentation lasts more time than the entire discussion of all parliamentary groups and all deputies in the Assembly. So, five hours are scheduled for all parliamentary groups to consider your Expose, and your presentation alone lasted six hours. I don't think it's appropriate and it's not right. I think it will go down in history as something that is negative.
Your Expose yesterday was a mixture of demagogic phrases, slogans, general descriptive posts, and unnecessary, burdensome details about what the Government was doing. We appreciate what the government has done, but really, we see no reason why factual data on how many doors have been changed, how many windows have been changed, how many have been painted over, would be presented. I guess that should be done by the ministers, and the mandate holder should give us the strategic directions in which his government will work in the coming period.
You announced the initiation of the issue of changes to the political system. We agree that our political system is not the most ideal and that it should be discussed, but you kept silent in your exposition about whether there will be changes to the Constitution, and you and your majority announced it several times in public. Is it because it is a tricky question and you intend to exclude Kosovo and Metohija from the preamble or because of something else? That is also an important question.
You spoke about your strategic commitment, i.e. your strategic commitment that Serbia should go in the direction of further European integration, to open new chapters and to finish the negotiations by 2020, although the previous promise was that it would be by 2018 and that despite this, Serbia will develop wholehearted cooperation with Russia, both economically and politically and in any other way. I ask you, how is that feasible? How is that possible? In what way do you think you are going to develop, to go further in European integration, if Chapter 31, which talks about the common foreign security policy, foresees that Serbia must harmonize its foreign policy and that, of course, there have been requests to impose sanctions on Russia . How will we develop those good relations if we go further into European integration?
Also, you talked about the fact that despite our strategic determination to go towards the EU, we will preserve the integrity of the state and preserve Kosovo and Metohija and work for our people. We are not squirrels here. Every day, some EU official speaks publicly about the fact that Serbia cannot enter the EU until it recognizes Kosovo and Metohija. So, these are the things that you presented here in the exposition, which, of course, are clearly not correct and cannot be implemented.
The Democratic Party of Serbia is absolutely opposed to further European integration of the country because they are harmful to us. They are not only harmful to our sovereignty and the fact that the EU wants to steal that part of the territory from us, they are also harmful to our economic interests. I don't need to mention the data about how much we lost in customs duties, VAT during these years, and after signing the Stabilization and Association Agreement, I don't need to talk about how much we indirectly lost by opening the market and importing agricultural products without customs duties. so today the situation in agriculture is far worse for our farmers than it was in previous years.
As for the economy, which you paid the most attention to, we can say that the promise you made in 2014 that you would stabilize public finances and reduce the deficit has been fulfilled to the greatest extent, and we support you there. Therefore, Serbia cannot go into debt and have a budget deficit all the time, but there are also dozens of other things that you also promised, which you did not fulfill. I will only mention a few.
In 2012, you said in the election campaign that you would bring 100 billion euros of investments to Serbia. Of course, those 100 billion euros of investment, yes, your former president Tomislav Nikolić and your party promised it in the 2012 elections, just as they promised the Danube-Morava-Vardar-Aegean Sea canal. We know that these are just colorful lies, that they were ways to trick citizens into voting for you.
Also, you promised to reduce the price of electricity by 20%, your minister sitting on your right, and to introduce a cheaper tariff. Instead, we got an increase in electricity by more than 30% on two occasions and the introduction of excise taxes on electricity. It's as if electricity is a luxury, as if in the 21st century it's a luxury to have electricity, so you have to pay a luxury tax, or excise tax.
We will cancel the TV subscription, because it is our obligation. You said that once. The television subscription was abolished in 2014, and the TV tax was introduced in 2015. So another false promise and scam.
We solved the FAP. Mercedes is coming to Priboj, we will produce the most modern trucks, people will be employed, we have solved the problem, the Finns are entering. Unfortunately, nothing came of it. We will produce the most modern buses, Mercedes in "Ikarbus", of course only during the election campaign. There is no such thing today.
I cannot promise that we will increase pensions, but I guarantee you that pensions will not be reduced. You said that in 2014. Two months after your promise, pensions were reduced by 10 to 20%, depending on the category.
We will build cheaper apartments, their price will be 380 euros, by the end of 2015. It was also your promise. Of course, there is nothing from those apartments.
We will solve the problem with management in public companies, that is, we will professionalize management in public companies. Mr. Bajatović, who is part of your ruling majority, is the best example of how you did it and how you stabilized that public company and its debts and how you professionalized management in public companies and eliminated party influence in them.
There will be more allocations for science. It was written in your exposé in 2014. Not that there were no major allocations for science. On the contrary, the allocations for science were reduced and it was a message to young researchers, scientists and educated people that they have nothing to look for in this country, but to prepare to travel somewhere where they will be valued, so more than tens of thousands of people in recent years, which has been going on since the 90s, but it seems to me that it has accelerated in recent years, that the smartest young people are leaving the country.
You did not announce the competition, that is, your Ministry of Education for scientific research projects for two years, and then when you announced it, you announced it in such a way that the competition had to fail. The valid competitions for scientific and research work are those from 2014, which are extended every year, of course, against the law.
Many more of your pre-election promises that have not been fulfilled can be listed, but I don't have enough time for that.
Therefore, when we decide whether we will give you support for your program or not, we decide on the basis of what your program is written in the exposition and on the basis of who presents that program and what experiences we have with it. It is obvious that the experiences are such that we cannot boast that you have fulfilled what you promised. On the contrary, there is much more that you have not fulfilled than you have.
Also, we cannot support your exposition or your proposal for the composition of the new Government because you announced that you will solve the problem of selling land to foreigners, and we believe that it is a disaster for the country of Serbia to sell land to foreigners. Therefore, no sale of land to foreigners is out of the question, just as no production of genetically modified food in Serbia is out of the question. It bothers us that you understand everything, including genetically modified products. Leave it alone, let the experts talk about it and don't make slips while talking about how cherry tomatoes are grown and obtained, when it's not true.
Therefore, for all the reasons mentioned above, and mostly because we do not agree with the strategic determination that you have presented here, we will not support your proposal for the election of a new government, because it is the same old government that was in place from 2014 until today. they are the same coalition partners that you said bother you and are the worst in the world, and that is another pre-election deception of the citizens of Serbia and because you centralized the government and composed mainly of ministers from Belgrade and Vojvodina.
You have only two ministers who are below the Sava and Danube, and none from the south of Serbia. None. It is as if that part of Serbia does not exist and as if that part of Serbia, which is the poorest and most vulnerable, should not have its own representative and regional differences should not be reduced in relation to other parts of the country.
I will leave those three minutes in the next presentation.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Milorad Mijatović has the floor now.
MILORAD MIJATOVIĆ: Thank you, Honorable President.
THE PRESIDENT: I apologize, Deputy Mijatović. I did not see that the representative wanted to answer. I'm sorry, it's my fault.
MILORAD MIJATOVIĆ: With pleasure.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: So, I will try to answer and if perhaps the comment "what to say" would be the most meaningful at this moment. For six minutes you talked about how you waited three months. Well, I waited for all your Governments until the last midnight. You never came three days early, let alone a month early. We came a month earlier. I waited until midnight for each of your Governments. And I was asked by your party to stop speaking so that temporary financing would not be used.
Come on, do something for Serbia, please. Don't say today that we vote for the Government before midnight. How are you not ashamed to tell us here that a month earlier is late, and that midnight is fine the night before, or you have forgotten what you did and how you did it. Or, I guess you all think that we should all be afraid of you because you're against it and because it's popular or nice to say.
It is expedient that the exposure was obtained earlier, you say. And when did you give it to us? When? Do you remember, these others of yours, these thirds of yours? All derivatives are various, some others. When did you give it to us before? You never gave it to us. I spoke for six hours yesterday, you didn't have a debate after that, you had a whole day off until today. And whatever happened, you would say it's wrong. If I spoke for 20 minutes, like some people, their whole program fits in 20 minutes, they don't know what to say, you would say that I had nothing to say.
No matter what I did you would always say the same. Because you are there to be against, even if you make up arguments, even if you don't have any arguments. So, we have established - you never gave an exposition, you never formed the Government on time. You have never formed a government a month before. Where did you get the right to ask us what we do and how we do it? You're still lecturing us, like we're lecturing from above, roughly, now we'll explain to you. And the fact that I am tolerant and patient and that I will make every remark, it is my duty to listen and to answer, unfortunately according to the Rules of Procedure today members of the Government or proposed members of the Government do not have the right to answer, only I have the right to answer, so I have to answer everything .
You say - demagogic platitudes. Well, all you have uttered is the worst of demagogic platitudes. First, I did not make any slip. I know very well what I said about cherry tomatoes and I don't know what else. It's just that you don't know anything about it, and neither do those who pretend to know. You know absolutely nothing about it. I said everything correctly yesterday, I didn't make any slip. Because I see that it has caused laughter and mockery among the ignorant. Twice my tongue broke and I mispronounced something, but this wasn't exactly a slip of the tongue either.
You say - you didn't mention the change of the Constitution, so I didn't because I said countless times that the change of the Constitution is the position of the agreement of the political entities. The Constitution cannot be changed unless we agree with you and some others here who are stronger than you. Why do you want someone to censor the Constitution, to pass it by force? It doesn't occur to us.
The Constitution must be an expression of the broadest aspirations of the people. The Constitution is not adopted for one year and the Constitution is not adopted for four years. The constitution is adopted in 20, 30 and 50 years. If we can bring it, we will bring it. If we can't bring it to anyone, nothing. That's why I didn't mention him. Because you would have told me, you would have blocked the adoption of the Constitution, and then you would have told me - you did not fulfill it. That's why I didn't mention him.
Changing the Constitution is a condition for us to join the EU. When we are in front of the door, then we will talk about it, but it must be the broadest agreement of different political entities. That cannot be what the Government wants. We ourselves in society have to see what is important to us and come to an agreement. But, well, we went on the campaign trail and we talked about the fact that they want to cancel the preamble on Kosovo, and you will protect it, you, during whose time Kosovo gained independence. And how you protected him, with two announcements. Now give me patriotic speeches. You issued two whole announcements. You fought so hard. Not to mention Montenegro.
Are you throwing something? No, they like to steal, they don't like beer. The latter like beer.
As far as this is concerned, you say that you are against European integration, that is fair. It's a pure attitude. I don't agree with that attitude, but it's nice that you told people that. It's good to tell them that. It is good to tell all the employees of foreign companies coming from the EU, because none of them would come if Serbia was not on the European path. Not one. That is the first question asked by Kromber Schubert, even the Turkish "Teklas", and Turkey has no connection with the EU or is not a member, it has been on the European road for 50 years, 53 years to be exact. Therefore, none of them would come to Serbia. It's good to tell people they wouldn't have a job. It is good to tell people that we would not be able to export our goods. It's good to tell people that they would struggle to feed their families. I am very pleased about that.
At the same time, you can't tell me that we did something bad, related to the Russian Federation, because, for example, I saw President Putin four times more than your party president, when he was in power, and he was there much longer than I was. Not to mention that Russia itself says that it has the best cooperation with the Government of Serbia and with Serbia in general in modern history. There, we succeeded. You ask how, we succeeded.
As far as Chapter 31 is concerned, the obligation is to comply with the full European foreign and security policy only when we become members of the EU. Until then, let us do our work. Let us do what is best for our Serbia. Let us work and talk with everyone and get the most we can for our country and preserve our independence and our sovereignty, because such a decision would cost the citizens of Serbia dearly. It sounds good to many people I know and love when they hear something like that, but you shouldn't say it, because it's neither serious nor responsible.
You tell us what we have lost regarding various contracts since we have been on the European road. You celebrated the Stabilization and Association Agreement. You celebrated it in Knez Mihajlova Street, I was passing by, walking with my daughter, you gave me leaflets, Aleksandar Popović is still with you today, he distributed leaflets, "SSP - hope in the future or hope for security, something like that", " it is feasible". For everything that you are guilty of from your point of view, today we are guilty of you, but don't laugh, I will give you a bad argument.
Agriculture is badly negotiated. Agriculture was badly negotiated, but let's put that aside, it brought good things for Serbia. Here, let me praise you, since you attack yourself all the time. That brought good things to Serbia, because we managed to reduce the trade deficit with the EU twice in those eight years, of course, the most from 2013 until today, but still, we managed to reduce the trade deficit twice.
Let's just say it like that because we have repeated it five thousand times, and there is no one who can answer it for us on a daily basis. You're talking about a channel. I never mentioned the channel. I never mentioned any channel. I never said one hundred billion because I know what one hundred billion is, but you found one member of our party to say it.
You talk about electricity and tell the people that you gave us very cheap electricity and I don't know what else. Do you know by what percentage you increased the price of electricity from 2000 to 2008, not to say that some others are to blame who were from 2008 to 2012? Do you know by what percentage? So, 970% versus 15% and more to keep us connected here, and electricity today is 30% cheaper than the cheapest electricity in Europe, of any country. You have increased the price of electricity by 970%. Does that make sense?
You say "Ikarbusa" bus. Walk around Belgrade a bit, come and walk around Belgrade and you will see "Ikarbus" buses with "Mercedes" chassis. They are nice and clean, neat and good buses. By the way, 81 of them were sold, if I'm not mistaken, last year, and this year we expect 125 and you missed that, and that's just out of hate. That's just because it's not the arguments that matter, but the more we hate you, the louder we'll say it. It doesn't matter how untrue it is.
You say pensions between 10 and 20%. In total, pensions were reduced by 5,11%. Today, there is a 3,28% decrease from the moment when we increased pensions, while you have to keep in mind that 60% of pensioners have higher pensions than ever and that this applied primarily to pensioners in big cities and that to 40% of them.
I have never shied away from talking about it, and I had to because of your irresponsible politics, among other things, both. You ruled together for 10, 12 years. Some supported at this level, others at that level. Anyway. I didn't make a big difference.
You are right about cheap apartments. We had certain conversations. Now we have continued those conversations. We are talking to several of our experts who say that there is interest from several foreign companies, so we will see. I hope that in the next year we can call for a tender and that we will create the conditions to do so. You see, it's not hard for me to admit. It is not difficult for me to admit, and I said that because I had already talked and was sure that we could do it. This is where we differ.
It's great that you noticed that the deficit is under control and that we have organized public finances, since that is also rare, and people are looking at how and in what way to criticize even though the whole world is praising.
As for management in public enterprises, not you but we passed the Law on Public Enterprises. There is no party recruitment. There is no party recruitment and no recruitment at all.
As for the changes in public companies, I am the most critical, but the situation in both EPS and "Zeleznice" is ten times better. Second, to know that our railways no longer run at only 26 km per hour as they did in your time. Today, take the Belgrade-Vršac line and you will either go 110 or 120 km per hour. Ride the new trains to see how comfortable they are and how different they look. Is it bad? Yes, it's bad, but we're going to do and build a lot in the next three or four years for people to brag about.
There are people who want to always see everything bad, who never want to see anything good. There are people for whom cynicism is a characteristic of life and nothing more than that, and that only bothers them. I see the good and the bad, believe me, much better than you do, but I also see the good and there are more of them than ever before.
That is why I am sure that there are no what Mr. Jovanovic was talking about - external problems, problems in the region, problems related to political stability from the outside, I would be sure, absolutely sure of a certain and stable future for Serbia.
You talked about young people. It seems to you that they are leaving more. I don't think so. They are leaving less, but they are still leaving a lot and we will not be able to stop it easily and no one can stop it easily. In proportion to the number of inhabitants, the EU countries have five times more outflow than us. And Poland and Romania and Bulgaria and Croatia, because they have work permits and can work in the richest EU countries and earn higher wages, and it is a process that neither you nor I can stop, but we can slow it down and we can is ours to tell people - we know that it is more difficult for you in Serbia, something is better and it will be better and please help your country. That's what we can do.
It will not be possible for us to ensure that Serbia is better than Germany in 100 years, neither you nor I, nor all of us together, in the next 100 years. Let's not lie to anyone anymore. It is a process that is happening and is happening everywhere in Europe. The whole world is moving to Europe. Now all the Sahara has started to move to Europe and that's why we have problems with the migrant crisis. You can't stop them. They don't really care about their roots, their birthstone, anything. There is a war there and they have a problem there and they come to the richest European countries and they will not go to Hungary, the Czech Republic, or Slovakia, which are very rich, but they want to go to Germany, Austria, Holland and Denmark.
In the end, since you said that we will do something about the land, I saw that you repeated that mantra, that story all the time in the campaign, I never understood what you were talking about, since under none of our laws is it allowed to sell land to foreigners. I tell you that we will try to preserve it according to how the Poles and Hungarians did it, and you tell me - no, no, we are against the sale of the land in every way. I'm not that tough and tough. There are other things there. With that, you will stop some of the investors, leaving them to never come to your country, and I don't know where they would take that country, probably somewhere on Mars, in someone's head.
There is something else. Aman, who gave that Todorić that kind of land in our Vojvodina? Me or you? Who gave Todorić that land, who gave that land in Odzaci? You or me?
(The MPs chime in.)
Think about what you gave to those criminals Jerković and the others, what you gave to the thieves Šarić and they brought the companies into bankruptcy, so those companies that were then given to someone else are no longer bankrupt, but pay good salaries and decent salaries to those people and by the way their director is a member of the DS, what to do is up to you, I don't know which one.
What are we now? How far have we come? We were talking about something, we were only talking in a way that had little to do with the truth, but it could pass because there was no one who could answer. I don't have a problem. Every month I will come to answer you and I am not at all scared, intimidated by the fact that on "Twitter" someone says - I will do this and that, I will do all kinds of things to him or when someone else says - real men measure something else, not I know what they measure. Here we measure knowledge and energy, and I don't know what these big men measure and I don't understand that kind of primitivism.
I'm not fascinated by that kind of arrogance and arrogance to tell you the truth, not least because of the fact that I see that there is no lack of knowledge. This was not about you and please don't hold it against me, and for the latter I will answer you every time.
You said something else. I think I answered literally everything. I think I answered everything. Yes, you said about the television subscription, so that I don't avoid a question that is inconvenient or difficult for me. That's right, I said, and there was no television subscription back then. Then there are other independent bodies, for which if I had pressured not to have television subscriptions, you would have said - here it is, putting pressure on independent bodies, they said it was the best way, because if RTS was financed from the budget, then The government influenced RTS policy. I said - fine, no problem. Make it however you want, whatever you want, in any case, unlike all of you, we did not bring a single journalist to RTS, let alone an editor, and I am proud that we are with that and such RTS and with all the problems we are facing, with with all the untruths, falsifications, lies, we managed to get significantly more votes than all of you together, which will happen to you next time as well. Thank you.
(Milan Lapčević: Reply!)
THE PRESIDENT: Please, you must register.
Milan Lapčević has the floor, two minutes. Here you go.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: And so, the exposés of the previous governments. We waited three months for governments in our time, but those governments were coalitions and were made up of several parties. You had an absolute majority here and promised that it would be assembled before then. When did you get exposure? The same when you gave today, but you also criticized it.
Hatred, cynicism. I have no reason to hate anyone. Why should I hate you, you or anyone? Cynicism. Well, I don't know what to tell you. Somehow, whenever the word cynicism is mentioned, I remember you and your speeches in the Parliament both before and after 2000.
SSP feasibility study in our time. No, Mr. Vučić, you forgot that the SSP was signed by Božidar Đelić and that it was a bone of contention because of which we could no longer cooperate with the Democratic Party. That happened in 2008, and what you are talking about was a feasibility study in 2005.
In our time, Kosovo gained independence. As far as I know, even today Kosovo is not independent, or perhaps you made a mistake? Kosovo declared independence, but excuse me, how do you stop someone from declaring independence? And we were looking for a national consensus about that, and you participated in the fact that we were looking for a national consensus. Why are you washing yourself off it now? I don't think that's right.
I'm not attacking you for anything, I'm just saying and quoting what you said, which didn't happen. So, electricity from 2000 to 2008 increased by how many percent? Well, do you know, and you know of course how much inflation was before that and what was the devaluation. Don't say something that doesn't fit.
PRESIDENT: Thank you, time.
Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: First of all, let me tell you, it was not even accurate information for science. Every year it was increased for science from 11,4 to 11,5 and 11,7 billion. And that wasn't even true information. Now I received information from the Government of the Republic of Serbia about the budget and treasury.
As for the coalition governments, I have nothing to answer you. This is also a coalition government, but that explanation was enough for me.
As for Kosovo and Metohija, it was not a slip on my part, because you talk about how everyone else supposedly created an independent Kosovo, although we do not talk about it. You keep talking about it, and I just reminded you that it happened in your time, and that neither then nor now did we accuse you of being guilty of it. God forbid it happened in our time. Well, we would hang around Terazije. It happened in your time, and nothing happened to anyone. Out of all the struggle and protection of Serbian national interests, you issued two, maybe even three announcements in seven days. The fourth would already be redundant.
As for the cynicism, you're right. But, not really cynicism, I was something else. I have often been wrong and, unlike you, it is not difficult for me to admit it. I was a fighter and I am proud of that. I fought for what I stood for. But it's not difficult for me to admit when I'm wrong. It is not difficult for me to admit that I went too far in attacking someone. It is not difficult for me to admit many things. Maybe a person changes over the years, I'm probably older than you, but I don't think that's bad, on the contrary. Only, before I start criticizing someone for that, I say that I did something like that as a mistake, so that I wouldn't give him moral advice, but I would point out that someone should not do something similar. That's the difference. I don't think it's terrible to make a mistake, it's terrible not to see that you've made a mistake. Just as I don't think it's scary to fall, we all fall, but it's very important to get up after that and keep fighting.
As far as Serbia is concerned, I think that, bearing in mind the collaborators I proposed, as well as the collaborators I had, it is in good hands. I think we took good care of the interests of our people. As you have seen, all indicators and all trends are positive. Is everything ideal? Well, it won't be in 30 years either. Not even in Germany. Just please, to understand my words, think what would happen if our plane full of passengers, our operator with 200 passengers, crashed somewhere like what happened to Angela Merkel. Would I survive it? Not politically. No one said anything to Angela Merkel. What if we had as many helicopters that went down in accidents, not shot down, as the Russians and Americans have? What if we had as many flood victims as the Germans and the French have?
I'm telling you this so that you can see just what our nature is and how unfair we are to the people we elected, which I was sometimes, but that's why it's not difficult for me today, regardless of the worst things I've heard from Tadic, to say something that it was all right, and I heard terrible nonsense. Not to mention "Storm". Does this mean that everything is bad? Well, it doesn't mean. That's why it's only necessary, and that's what I talked about with Mr. Jovanović, it's not about division, it's about just anger.
I hope that I have lost my cynicism, although I am still a fighter, maybe sometimes I exaggerate, maybe sometimes I am too harsh, and where there is and when there is, warn me every time, I will see to it that I cut it in my house, because cynicism is healthy, and cynicism is something that is not very good and least pleasing to the one who is like that. Thanks again.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
The floor is Milorad Mijatović. Here you go.
MILORAD MIJATOVIĆ: Thank you, Honorable President.
I hope that this third time I will finish my presentation. Third lucky.
Dear President, respected candidates for members of the Government, respected candidates for Vice Presidents, respected future Prime Ministers, I listened carefully to your presentation and I can say that I extracted four key words from it, namely: stability, continuity, reforms and results.
These four key words characterize today's Serbia. Serbia is a stable country, regardless of all the challenges we have, challenges in this turbulent world, challenges that are very big. There are no tear gas, no riots in this Serbia. In this Serbia, there is respect for the Constitution, the laws are respected. In this Serbia, there are real answers to all challenges. We have a migrant crisis that is shaking Europe, and Serbia is giving the right answers to the migrant crisis. 700.000 people passed through our country, housed, fed and treated. Those people have no objections to how they are treated in Serbia. On the contrary, they praise Serbia. We have not put wires and we will never put them, but we will also know how to lead this country of ours, to keep it and keep it stable. Maybe it doesn't suit some, but I have to tell you that Serbia is a stable country.
Challenges are also great from our neighbors. We always give correct answers, we never accept any of their challenges that were meant to disrupt the situation. On the contrary, we say that we have our own way. Serbia is a country that wants good neighborly relations with everyone. Serbia is a country that is a factor of peace in the Western Balkans. Yes, that is the Serbia we are fighting for.
The second quality that I emphasized, the second key word, is continuity, that in April the citizens of Serbia said that they wanted this government to continue its work, that this government continue to do what it has been doing so far, but with new energy, with new results , to strengthen those results. That continuity was said by the citizens of Serbia, that's what they want, whether someone admits it or not. That continuity will be, I am sure, also in the next four years, precisely those four years, where we have to finish everything that was planned and that the previous government started in 2014. Of course, we started all this through reforms. The reforms have taken root. Whether it is enough, we can talk about it, but basic reforms exist and these reforms have completely changed and are changing this country, Serbia.
Of course, the results are behind it. We don't talk much about those results. We talk a little about how we managed to fix the fiscal deficit. You know, in 2014, when our fiscal deficit was 6%, or as the Prime Minister told us, 8% with the general debt of the state, we have now reached less than 3%, and we are already dreaming of it being between 0,5% and 1%. This result is rarely mentioned by anyone, but it is very important, very important. No one mentions the result of our GDP and how we managed to get from the minuses to the pluses. These are the results we have to talk about, for the simple reason that they did not come by themselves, nor can they come by themselves. It is the result of a lot of work.
It is precisely because of these results that we have a very significant result regarding European integration. The dream of all political parties that are in favor of the EU is to open chapters. You know when we signed the SAA, when we did everything, but the chapters were not opened. How much work and how much effort it took to open chapters 32, 35 and these two crucial chapters - 23 and 24. With the opening of those two chapters, I am absolutely sure that Serbia's path to the EU is clear, that means there are no more obstacles. All that remains is for us to work and to open and close most of the chapters by the end of this government's mandate.
I emphasize, and I say this on purpose here in the National Assembly, the Social Democratic Party of Serbia is for the EU and we will always remain for the EU. Why? We know that it is not a paradise, but we need the EU because Serbia is in Europe and it must be an integral part of that community of peoples. We need EU standards and criteria. That's when Serbia will change, and we want to change it and we have changed it. Why am I emphasizing that? Because those standards should live here in our Serbia, and Serbia is in Europe. That is why we will really always insist on changing, on changing, on being better. Of course, we passed a whole set of laws, reform laws, pro-European laws. Let me tell you right away, laws cannot change everything. The most difficult thing is to change our consciousness. The most difficult thing is to change our view that we are specific, that we are always something special and different from others. No.
You know, the word reform is mentioned a lot in Serbia. For many years, I was involved in the reform of the school system, the reform of the economy, the reform of reforms, but I always gave up somewhere. This government, and I believe in it, will not give up on reforms. They will not give up on the European path and we will realize what we have planned.
I think that he has those capacities, that he has that energy and that it will be realized in the coming period. This is precisely because of Serbia, so that we don't become an unfinished state, that we always start something and never finish it. If we started Corridor 10, we did not finish it for 30 years. If we started Corridor 11, we haven't finished it yet. We started a lot of things and gave up when we hit the first obstacle.
Also, I have to emphasize that life is really not easy in our country. It's difficult. We cannot fix the standard of living easily and quickly, but what the Social Democratic Party always insists on is that you can only spend what you have earned. Therefore, there are no new debts, no buying of votes, no buying of citizens, only what is earned can be spent. It is the alpha and omega of every job, everything we do and will continue to do.
Likewise, when I emphasize what we have changed, which means that we must change in other respects as well, I especially emphasize one fact that the prime minister said in his exposé. He said the word social dialogue. Since my background is union, I have a lot of respect and love for that word. Yes, the lowest labor price should be agreed upon. As explained, the lowest labor price is agreed upon by employers and unions, and the Government is only someone who mediates to reach that agreement.
When we talk about the social status of employees, of course it needs to be improved, but there is a market and in that market we must know who can sell what more expensively and where what is worth more, should we go to those branches, to those areas where knowledge can be improved to sell. This is exactly what we should insist on, and IT technologies and everything else were discussed here.
When I talk about all this, I have to emphasize one other thing. This morning I was surprised by the front pages of our newspaper. It is written everywhere - Vučić is increasing salaries and pensions. Nowhere does it say that Vučić did not say that. He said - we worked well, we have funds and we are ready, in accordance with what we have earned, to increase salaries and pensions, to increase precisely those who have the least. Well, that is the place where our consciousness is most difficult to change. We are used to only taking from the state, not giving to the state. You cannot take from the state if you do not give to the state. It is precisely this awareness that we must change in the coming period, and that is possible, of course. A lot has been done, there was talk about it here. I wouldn't say how much foreign direct investment there was last year, one billion and 850 million, where we are on the Doing list, what we did, how many jobs were created. Of course, no one is satisfied that wages are not higher, but give jobs, and we will continue to demand better wages through competition.
What is equally important and what Serbia does and is doing is that we are an example in the region, in cooperation with our neighbors, in that we avoid all the differences that exist, and take care of the interests of our country. Likewise, we take care to continue the dialogue with Pristina, of course, to find the best solution we can have to make things better for us. When we talk about Serbia, as a social democrat, I cannot but emphasize that there are very big differences, social differences that are deepening more and more. There are ways, many fortunes were created through corruption, and on behalf of the Social Democratic Party, I welcome the adoption of the Law on the Origin of Property. I emphasize this because many have acquired very large assets with low salaries, and this is exactly where there is room to charge much more and more fairly than those who have, so that we can then finance what we need. I mean health care, education and all other areas that are in a very difficult situation for us, and for which I think we will find the right solutions.
Of course, there are real solutions, they exist and I think we are looking for them. If we focus on how we went, the results we achieved will get better and better, because we have a good foundation, but we must not give up, we must not give up on what we set out to do at any obstacle, no matter what happens.
Of course, it was discussed here what our advantages are, where are our advantages in agriculture, I would especially emphasize the advantages we have in tourism. You know, in our country for the first time we will have a billion euros from tourism, in Novi Sad and Belgrade, you cannot imagine how many foreign guests there are. So, something that we have done especially with vouchers, so tourism as one of the development opportunities, such as IT and technologies, is all that we insist on.
I have always emphasized that the SDP is an integral part of this ruling coalition. We are a party that fights for a society of equal opportunities, so that everyone can earn money and support their family through their work. We are also in favor of consensus. We are also in favor of the possibility of reaching an agreement on some issues, and that we can move on and that we can move forward.
I said, this Government has results, they should be highlighted. This government is also in your exposé you presented yesterday, and I have the exposé you presented in 2014, I read it well in the previous days, analyzed what was implemented, the goals and tasks are clear. Likewise, in this new exposition, we have clear goals and clear tasks.
I emphasize that SDPS gives full support to this Government, expects new energy, realization of new tasks and I expect that in 2020 I will be able to say that Corridor 10, Corridor 11 to Čačak have been completed, all chapters for the EU have been closed and that is already a historic success.
Of course, I want her to have a chance in all areas, including agriculture, and I am also looking at the new Minister of Agriculture, my Sremac, and it gives me great pleasure to hope that he will do a lot, since he knows well what agriculture means, what animal husbandry means and what does the rest mean.
I emphasize once again that there is no populism, this Government is working and has results, and the SDPS will be happy to vote for the new Government. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Just to see who calls in, you sign out, you call in, I have to in order, by the size of the parliamentary group.
MP Boško Obradović has the floor.
BOŠKO OBRADOVIĆ: Dear fellow members of parliament, God help everyone. On behalf of the parliamentary group of the Serbian Movement Dveri, I would like to say an introductory counter-exposition to what the mandate holder for the composition of the new Government had to tell us.
Namely, when asked what he thinks about your government, the great Serbian drama artist Petar Božović said that Aleksandar Vučić made a huge contribution to dramatic art. And, really, Mr. Vučić, there is something in your acting that is rather exaggerated, because it is not realistic that you cannot form a government for three months, and then you schedule a session of the Assembly in 24 hours.
On the other hand, I am increasingly convinced that your idea is for the National Assembly to be humiliated and marginalized, and for the Government of Serbia and you personally to take over all the political power in the country. Things are completely the other way around. You will be elected by the National Assembly and you will answer to us for your work.
The analysis of your Government's work program will begin with what is not in your exposition and the composition of the reconstructed Government of the Republic of Serbia, because let's be clear right away, this is not a new Government, this is the most ordinary reconstruction of the Government that you could have done even without an election. Throw out bad ministers, put in new ones that you think will work better. Then why did you go to the elections? To hide your responsibility for choosing bad ministers and to get six months of absolute power without the control function of the National Assembly. Mr. Vučić, I listened to you carefully for six hours yesterday, I did not leave the hall. Is it possible that your fellow MPs cannot listen to my 20 minutes?
PRESIDENT: Member of Parliament, the representative is silent and listens to you. Do not create such an image of the public when it is not true.
BOŠKO OBRADOVIĆ: Well, that's a picture of the SNS and the opposition, which is trying to be correct, but it can't get the same correctness from the other side. If I may continue. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: Absolutely, it would be nice, really useful.
BOŠKO OBRADOVIĆ: So, let's not forget, according to the Rules of Procedure of the National Assembly, you are obliged to answer parliamentary questions and that all your ministers submit a report on their work to the competent parliamentary committees every three months. So you were in power for half a year without any control in the technical mandate.
In your program there is no ministry for family care, no fight against the white plague and no incentive measures to support childbearing, young married couples and families with more children. And if you yourself realize the big problem is that we lost four hundred inhabitants in ten years.
If you, Mr. Vučić, do not understand that solving the demographic extinction of the Serbian people should become a state priority, we do not need you as Prime Minister. You missed the key role that your government should have played. I remind you that without demographic renewal, there is no economy, no security, and no future for Serbia.
In your exposition, gender equality and special rights for the LGBT population are clearly more important than family and birth rate. No concrete measures for family policies were proposed. There is no ministry for the family, no motherhood as a profession, no tax breaks for families with many children, and no state subsidies for acquiring a family home and starting a family business. Your exposition has absolutely failed on this most important issue.
The same applies to the Ministry for Serbs outside Serbia, which does not exist. You have completely forgotten that a third of Serbs and citizens of Serbia live outside the borders of Serbia in the former Yugoslav republics and throughout the Serbian diaspora. The Serbian diaspora invests billions of euros in Serbia every year through remittances and is one of the largest foreign investors in the country. And what does he get in return? You didn't even make them dignified by the ministry, not to mention the eased voting rights, incentive measures for investors from the dispersion or the preservation of national identity through a branched system of supplementary schools in the diaspora.
For whom is it easier to obtain citizenship for our compatriots outside of Serbia, but please, what have you done in this matter during the four years of your government? You have been in power for four years, Mr. Vučić, don't forget that. This is not the new government. You cannot elect the director of the Diaspora Administration for two years, which you have reduced from a ministry to an ordinary office within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Two years. For you, our compatriots all over the world are foreigners, even worse than that, because foreigners are welcome here when they invest, and you offer nothing to the Serbian diaspora.
Also, we do not hear enough words from your side when the human, minority and national rights of Serbs in the surrounding countries are threatened. You don't even meet them when you visit the surrounding countries. You wrote a few empty words about media freedom, and the media has never been more closed to public discussion than today. The best proof of that, let me specify right away, is that since you came to power four years ago, you have not appeared on a single direct televised duel with someone who thinks differently than you. Need more proof?
What I especially want to emphasize is that I do not see any change in Dinkić's neoliberal economic policy, which you have been pushing for four years. You still give our money to foreign companies that come to Serbia just to take state money from the budget, cheap labor and all profits from abroad, I often warn you about that and we have proven it, not paying taxes even on the profits made in Serbia , because many of them falsely present their business in Serbia with a loss in order to avoid paying taxes. Would you please tell me, Mr. Vučić, that foreign companies came to Serbia to do business at a loss?
You don't change anything in relation to banks either. There is no additional taxation of foreign banks that generate extra profits from this country with the highest interest rates in Europe. This measure was not invented by me, but was first implemented by your friend Viktor Orbán, so I don't see why you shouldn't.
There is no additional mission of state money that would be invested in large infrastructure works, domestic banking, domestic economy, domestic agriculture. There is no support for cooperatives, the restoration of domestic agricultural combines, the restoration of domestic industry, agricultural mechanization, there are no guarantees that you will not allow the import, trade and production of genetically modified food. On the contrary, here yesterday we saw you in the role of a lobbyist for GMOs, although 127 cities and municipalities, if I'm not mistaken, 127 cities and municipalities in Serbia made a declaration for Serbia against genetically modified food. So, you do not respect the majority of Serbia. There is no more important issue for Serbia today, and that is stopping the bank robbery of Serbian citizens and protecting over-indebted families.
You have not offered a solution for families who are in debt slavery with loans indexed in Swiss francs that after ten years of repayment of the loan have to pay back more than at the beginning of the loan debt. What is it called, Mr. Vučić? It's not banking, it's embezzlement and robbery. And you and the National Bank of Serbia allow that.
We also suggested that you introduce the institute of personal bankruptcy and thus protect over-indebted families from confiscation of the family home by private executors, but there is no such thing. We proposed to you the restoration of the Institute for Settlement of Payments and that our money does not go to foreign banks but through our financial institutions and the establishment of a state development investment bank, but nothing has come of it.
You mentioned again the investigation of the origin of the assets of all politicians and tycoons, but who should believe you anymore? Where were you for four years to pass that law? And the fact that there is no such law is a symbol of your false fight against corruption and crime
You announce that you will tax assets whose origin cannot be proven, but this is not only taxation, but also the legalization of illegally acquired assets. That stolen property should be confiscated and the thieves prosecuted.
You say that someone destroyed and robbed the country after 2000. Who, Mr. Vučić? Why isn't he in jail? You arrested hundreds of people. I don't see a single court ruling. It is enough to give you the example of the economic murderer Mlađan Dinkić, who is your closest associate, who destroyed and ruined the domestic economy and banking and who is still at large. Well, you were also waving his prisoner's suit here. When are we finally going to put that suit on him, Mr. Vučić?
There are two Serbias. One in your exposition, the other in reality. You are actually the bankruptcy administrator of Serbia. Since you have been in power, the public debt has increased by nine billion euros and reached 72 percent of our GDP.
You increased the external debt by six billion and the internal debt by three billion, and you are still bragging about the results. Economically speaking, you are from Dinkić. You owe the country to the IMF and the World Bank, and it is no coincidence that you are surrounded by cadres of G 17 plus, as well as the Democratic Party and the SPS, which you often attack as being guilty of this or that, and you take their cadres. I don't see the logic in that.
Of course, there are no more sparks between you and the LDP, since your politics are the same. You said it well, we must not reveal to the people everything we stand for and in which we share the same views as the LDP, because we would lose the elections. You say yourself that you would lose in a popular referendum, which is why there has been no popular declaration in Serbia for a long time. Nothing in the Brussels agreement, nothing about NATO agreements, nothing about GMOs.
Is it possible, Mr. Vučić, that in the country that you lead, workers in foreign companies wear diapers in the workplace so as not to interrupt work and go to the toilet for a short time? Is it possible for some phantoms to demolish an entire street in the center of Belgrade, and for four months it is not possible to find out who the perpetrator is? Is this the future we should believe in? That we all work like slaves for a foreign master and phantoms rule our lives and do what they want with our property.
I personally appreciate your diligence and your work energy, but I am obliged to draw your attention to the fact that you criticize your own people too much and excessively as lazy. You have been on the government salary all your life and have never worked in the private sector, you should bow before the domestic businessmen who fill the budget and appear before them as favorably and with such great incentives as you appear before a foreign investor who comes here just to rob us and to take everything abroad.
Tell me, Mr. Vučić, since you often present yourself as a great economic expert, which country in the world was developed by foreign investments? Just mention it to me and I will be very pleased. Which country in the world was developed by foreign investment? Or they were all developed using other economic models from domestic sources.
What does the temporary reduction of salaries and pensions that have been going on for three years mean? Many retirees will not see the end of your temporary reduction in wages and pensions, let alone an increase. After all, it is not an increase at all, but the beginning of the return of the looted.
You have shown strength, Mr. Vučić, on the poor and the middle class. What didn't you do, for example, to the banks, when you are such a strong and powerful politician? Why didn't you hit the tycoons who didn't pay hundreds of millions of euros in taxes to this state? Why didn't you attack the foreign companies that here, as I told you, show business with a loss and false bookkeeping and take their profits abroad? You keep quiet about it. You attack civil servants.
And in this first part of my address, let me say something else about your foreign and national policy. You are the last Eurofanatic in Europe. Nobody seriously believes in the EU anymore. Don't let us, like we were the last Yugoslavs, communists, when communist Yugoslavia was disintegrating before our eyes, now be the last European Unionists and Eurofanatics, when the EU is disintegrating before our eyes.
So, after Brexit, trusting the EU makes absolutely no sense. You make agreements with the NATO-pact that bombed us and keep silent about the consequences of shooting depleted uranium bombs, from which we have a huge increase in cancerous diseases in our society. This is not in your health policy. How are we going to save ourselves here? From your friends from the West and the consequences of the bombing of Serbia.
You also want cooperation with Russia, and you recognize Crimea as part of Ukraine. Well, that can't be done, Mr. Vučić.
What is important, what was your response to Vladimir Putin's invitation to start negotiations with the Eurasian Economic Union? Are you not allowed to report to Putin because of Brussels, just as you were not allowed to respond to his call to strengthen economic cooperation and perform in a more organized manner on the empty Russian market after the introduction of Russian sanctions on European food producers.
On the dead end in the EU, you are clearly ready to sacrifice every national and state interest. The doors tell you, real politics is less EU, more Russia. The future of Europe in a Europe of nations that will not be commanded by an alienated center of power from Brussels.
Think urgently about post-EU Europe and our place in it. Think urgently about Russia as a new international power center that has never bombed us, that fights for the preservation of Kosovo and Metohija as part of Serbia and that offers us cooperation in the political, economic and military-security sense.
What you must not say to the citizens of Serbia, I can. The European Union robbed us through the Stabilization and Association Agreement. By abolishing customs duties on the import of foreign goods, we have destroyed domestic production and handed over all profits to foreign multinational companies. When you tell us - the EU gave us this and that, gave us this and that million; and I tell you - they robbed billions and gave away millions.
What can I say about the national policy and attitude towards Kosovo and Metohija? You abolished the Constitution of Serbia, abolished all state institutions in Kosovo and Metohija, handed over power to the Albanians, in your biography that you submitted, it is stated that you helped in April 2013 to sign the Brussels Agreement, which created for the first time until 1990 a real the basis for the Serbian people living in Kosovo and Metohija to establish institutions that will be recognized by the international community. Today is 2016, after three years there are no Serbian institutions in Kosovo and Metohija.
So, you deceived the citizens of Serbia who live in Kosovo and Metohija and the only solution is to annul the anti-constitutional Brussels agreements, stop the negotiations on Kosovo and Metohija in Brussels and return the negotiations to the UN Security Council.
Your story about banning party recruitment is just another big lie. You have employed thousands of Naprednjak throughout EPS and Telekom, under the contract for temporary and casual jobs and thus you are violating your own regulation on the prohibition of employment.
The budget for culture is getting smaller and smaller, but you haven't increased the wages of the workers, officials in that area, don't forget, someone has to speak on their behalf. I don't want to mention how many times you deceived the educators. Cyrillic is a minority script in your own country, you can't even arrange that every public sign must be in Cyrillic in this country. It must be in Cyrillic in this country.
Argue with the Croats, it would be better to build a serious museum of genocide victims, so that when your friends from the west come, they have something to see and you can tell them the history of Serbian suffering in the NDH.
We are absolutely opposed to your continuous plans and attempts to privatize strategic state enterprises and Serbia's natural resources. We are against the sale of Telekom, against the sale of EPS, against the sale of Galenika, against the sale of the airport, against the sale of PKB and our sources of clean drinking water, agricultural land, mineral and other assets.
Our biggest funds are not in the EU, but in Kosovo and Metohija, which they are stealing from us because both Kosovo and Metohija lie on wealth of all kinds, especially mineral and water resources worth hundreds of billions of euros, more than we will ever receive from the EU lies in Kosovo and Metochius.
The budget for agriculture is still scandalously small and does not meet the legal minimum of 5% of the total budget. Serbian peasants feel abandoned by their country, which helps the arrival of large foreign trade chains more than local agriculture. First, by drastically reducing subsidies, and then by low purchase prices.
Doctors and nurses go abroad every day and soon when a certain number of doctors retire, we will not have specialists to treat us.
You want to be a minister in all ministries, a mayor in all cities and a president in all municipalities. Who will be the Prime Minister then?
Why are local self-government leaders doing poorly? I will tell you. Because they are sitting on the balcony of the National Assembly while we are debating here, the councilors of various Belgrade municipalities, the leaders of the City of Belgrade are not doing their job, which they should be doing today, but are sitting here, applauding you and wasting time at the session of the Assembly of Serbia.
And for the end of this part, the Serbian movement Dveri does not see any improvement in your exposition, you are doing everything the old way. Your policy has been overcome and the Dveri parliamentary group will vote against the election of your Government.
PRESIDENT: Deputy, now I will give you the floor. I see that it is a violation of the Rules of Procedure. The agent wants to answer you, etc.
I just have to tell you something. I see you know everything, but you don't know this.
Article 108 of the Constitution - the subject of a referendum cannot be obligations arising from international agreements, so never again ask for a referendum for something that is prohibited by the Constitution.
BOŠKO OBRADOVIĆ: It is not an international agreement, it is a political agreement. The Constitutional Court said.
PRESIDENT: I don't know, I'm a lawyer, but I don't know how to explain and help you to...
BOŠKO OBRADOVIĆ: You say it yourself, it is not an international agreement, but a political one.
THE PRESIDENT: Don't shout. It is my good wish to help MPs in education so that they don't say something like that, since really, we all have to respect the Constitution or at least know it well since we are MPs here in the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. Well, don't say such words, to mislead the citizens of Serbia that something is possible when it is not. It is well defined in the Constitution.
BOŠKO OBRADOVIĆ: Do you mean what the Constitutional Court kept silent?
PRESIDENT: Well, now, run for president of the Constitutional Court, I have nothing against it. I only want to help you, because I am of good will and I am the president of the parliament.
BOŠKO OBRADOVIĆ: Well, don't help anymore.
PRESIDENT: Take it easy, take it easy. Everything will be fine.
Aleksandar Martinović is speaking. Violation of the rules of procedure has priority. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR MARTINOVIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, Members of Parliament, Article 107, which talks about the dignity of the National Assembly, has been violated.
I don't know, Mr. Obradović, whether that speech, since I see that you hardly raised your head, was written by Jasmina Vujić, who works as an expert associate, if I'm not mistaken, in the nuclear program of the US Army.
I don't know where you got the courage to respect someone for working in the public sector. Well, the first thing I did as the president of the Administrative Board was to sign the decision on the establishment of an employment relationship as a member of parliament dated June 3, 2016. Tell me, where did you show your creativity? Where do you work? What is your work experience? Where did you get the knowledge about all those areas you mentioned? Yesterday, a man nicely said that demography, negative natural growth is a big problem for us. Lepo said that Mrs. Slavica Đukić Dejanović in the new Government of the Republic of Serbia, as a minister without portfolio, will be in charge of dealing with demography and solving this major social problem.
You are the one who came to the elections in a coalition with the party that carried out the worst possible robbery privatization during the first and second governments of Vojislav Koštunica. Of the 24 controversial privatizations pointed out to us by the European Commission, if I am not mistaken, 23 were implemented at the time when the Republic of Serbia was ruled by you and your coalition partners from the DSS. As a pinnacle of political genius, you came up with the idea that the day after Prime Minister Vučić opened the plant of a Turkish company in Vladičin Han, you take pictures and take pictures in front of that hall and say - this hall should be demolished and should be returned to the condition when it stood there rusted iron and when no worker was working.
How lucky you are not to rule Serbia. Well, in 24 hours, this country collapsed. Well, we would change foreign policy from day to day.
(President: Time, deputy.)
I am not asking for a vote on the violation of the Rules of Procedure because it is not fair to you, Madam President, it is not your fault, but I was obliged to react to the lies and untruths that the citizens of Serbia are not obliged to endure.
PRESIDENT: Thank you.
I also wanted to answer you that I really cannot prevent someone from telling untruths. It's not up to me. I can't be a censor, it doesn't say so in the Rules of Procedure.
You are welcome, Mr. Lapčević.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Article 104.
Mrs. Gojković, if someone talks about a violation of the Rules of Procedure, they should say what that violation refers to, and not insult and name other deputies or parliamentary groups.
Mr. Martinović's presentation of untruths, gross untruths and forgeries did not surprise us and is not the first time. If there are, Mr. Martinović...
(President: Article 104 is a replica. He didn't address you, I don't know how you recognized yourself in all that.)
He made insulting comments about the parliamentary group.
THE PRESIDENT: Then you have to ask for a replica.
So, sit down, Article 104 is not. Ask for a replica, I'll give you a replica. Article 104 is not. He's talking about a hundred something, so he can't do that.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Reply.
If there was, as you say...
PRESIDENT: Please don't take the floor when it comes to someone's mind. Please, this is the session of the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia.
I didn't give you my word, but I didn't exclude you beforehand. Here, let me turn it off.
Tell me your intention. Article 104, you missed that. It refers to something completely different. This is an indication of a violation of the Rules of Procedure. You turned to MP Martinović and started addressing him directly.
Let's get back to the discussion seriously and let the representative answer Boško Obradović. I am convinced that he wants to hear the answer and, if necessary, for the two of them to exchange political opinions on positions. You are now preventing that by violating the Rules of Procedure. Here, I will allow you one more time, but so that there are no abuses and violations of the Rules of Procedure, because there is a remedy for that in the Rules of Procedure, and I would not want to spoil the good atmosphere.
Here you go. Which member?
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Article 107.
PRESIDENT: It can't be, that was it. It is written in the Rules of Procedure that the same thing cannot be done more than once.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: It was in the previous one, but not now.
PRESIDENT: Thank you.
In order not to take the time of parliamentary groups, I don't want to be rude and make it look like this. You better refrain.
Please, mandated officer to answer Boško Obradović.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, I think it is very important that people in Serbia hear where we would have ended up if some others had won the trust of the citizens.
Mr. Martinović, you have exaggerated. That land would be gone, literally within 10 hours, not 24 hours.
It is so and so scandalously frivolous. That's at the level of a ten-year-old. I have no words for what I was listening to. I thought it was impossible to hear that in modern Serbia. I only agree with one thing, whoever is from the city of Belgrade, whatever the structures, made the biggest mistake by wasting their time listening to it for 20 minutes here. It's a catastrophic mistake.
We started with what a drama artist says. Good, says the drama artist, another drama artist says even worse and the third even worse. That when they have something to say about someone. There is no dramatic or any other artist who wastes words about you.
To answer all the untruths and nonsense you uttered. You talk about personal power and absolute power. Well, you don't know the Constitution or the laws. The Prime Minister in a technical mandate has much less power and much less authority than in a full mandate. You have no idea. We cannot make many decisions today that we will be able to make tomorrow or the day after tomorrow. What do you care? You know nothing, you haven't read anything, and it's important to read and speak as quickly and as loudly as possible.
The strength of an argument is not measured by the decibel power you produce, but by one's knowledge and education, but by one's knowledge of the subject.
You say - you could have reconstructed the Government. We could. We could not even have a reconstruction of the Government, but we thought it was best to have elections, to show people that you who had 10% without a coalition almost fell to less than five or five percent, all together. We will still talk about what happened on that election night, etc., and we will talk about it for a long time, about various pressures both from the outside and from the inside, and who chased whom there to beat, to hit women and I don't know what else, to show his heroism by twisting the arm of women. A great hero.
The white plague that you are talking about, it is true, is a serious problem, a very serious problem and we do not have a solution, we do not have a finished solution. All the solutions I have read so far are not convincing enough and much richer nations than us do not have a solution and do not know how to solve this problem. That's why we agreed that one member of the Government should deal with that problem, to bring us what has been proven so far in the world to be the best possible solution, to show, to see what it is possible for us to do as a country. What did you offer us as a solution? Ministry of Family Care, to spend a little more public money. It is better to give money to a mother and allocate money for a child, than to have more officials who will work in a new ministry. That's your solution - give a ministry for family care, just so we can spend money, then give another ministry for Serbs outside Serbia, so that we have 50 ministries. We won't. We don't need a ministry, we need solutions. We need solutions, not ministries.
You say - the ministry for Serbs outside Serbia. You say that I do not meet with the Serbian diaspora. Where did I not meet with the Serbian diaspora? I recently had a meeting where we brought all the most respected Serbians from all over the world and the first prime minister who did that was me. The first prime minister. I recently did that. Where did I not meet in the region. I have never been to Montenegro since I have been prime minister. How are you not ashamed and embarrassed. So, you made that up and made up everything you said. Of course I will meet with Serbs in Montenegro when I go to Montenegro. I was in Albania and I met with Serbs from Albania, who are few. I was in Macedonia and met with the Serbs. I had more meetings with Milorad Dodik than your phone call leaders ever had with Republika Srpska and Željko Cvijanović.
We managed to do that as a government, that the Serbs are finally united, that we don't have any problems, that we don't say anything against anyone else, something that the Serbs never had. You don't know what you will get out of your empty and made-up stories that you indulged in and eventually believed yourself. Make something up and believe it yourself, no matter how little it has to do with the truth.
What is the country where I did not meet with the Serbs? It doesn't exist, because you invented it and because you can repeat it and think that you will shout a hundred times and think that the louder you are, the more persuasive you are. There is no such country. In America, I met with Serbs, believe it or not, and I met with Serbs twice. In addition to all the obligations I had meeting with American officials. I met with them twice. Not to mention the Serbs in Croatia, at different levels, with different people. With the Serbs in Romania, too. Wherever there are Serbs, I have talked with them.
You are talking about neoliberal politics. Personally, I would have nothing against liberal politics, but unfortunately it is unenforceable in the modern world. It will never be implemented in Serbia because we Serbs like state interference in everything and we like the state to solve all our problems, so this... is anything but a liberal state and it doesn't look like it, but I don't want to talk about theoretical models.
As for lobbyists, I am not a lobbyist for or against GMOs, except that I told you the truth yesterday. Otherwise, it is a mutation of the leaf fish. I was thinking of some other girl and that's why I didn't want to speak. A mutation of leaf fish and tomato and it appeared in 1994 for the first time on the American market and for the first time recognized in such a way. I did not make any slip, nor did I say any nonsense. You don't even know what you're dealing with.
You are talking about banks. What would you do? Should we close all the banks? Should all the banks go? Do you know how much we fought at the moment when Franklin Templeton started withdrawing his money at the beginning of the year, so that our exchange rate would not be affected, so that we would not have problems? You would destroy Serbia in one day. In one day, you would have a tenfold increase in the exchange rate. Serbia would disappear in one day with such behavior, as you imagine the country. It is so irresponsible and so frivolous that I am simply at a loss for words. It's at a child's level. You have to work with banks very carefully. Legal certainty must not be jeopardized. You have to take care of the stakes that are guaranteed by the state. You have to take care of the stakes in the economy. You literally have to tread on eggs when you talk about it.
Don't forget, you're talking about interest. We lowered interest rates three times. They are three times lower than four years ago. Three times lower, and we succeeded not only thanks to the policy of interest rates, but we succeeded thanks to macroeconomic stability, first of all, thanks to fiscal results. You could destroy that in one day. You would destroy that in one day, because it sounds so nice - I go somewhere and say - hey, we and the Russians, when we solve it, we will deal with them, and we are also Russians so that he has never seen a single Russian , especially not someone important. Do you think Putin once received them? Do you think Medvedev received them? They didn't, but I did nine times already. It's just a small difference, you know. Maybe Angela Merkel will receive them.
They say we have not introduced personal bankruptcy. Do you know what they mean by personal bankruptcy? To borrow as much as you want. That's their idea. I tried to explain to them that as they imagine it is impossible. Personal bankruptcy is a good idea. We talked about that, but if you want us to introduce it, I know that the Serbs won't, and I'll tell you why they won't. Because the Serb will not answer with his property. They would like personal bankruptcy, but for the Serb not to answer with his own property, but to answer with someone else's property, state property, to get into debt, to spend money, but to answer with my property, not his own. That's how they wanted it and that's how they envisioned personal bankruptcy, believe it or not. Personal bankruptcy as it exists in the United States, in every serious country, Serbs will not want such bankruptcy, especially not these Great Serbs, apparently.
They say - they borrow from the IMF. We didn't take a dinar, but you don't follow that. It is also in the news, sometimes in the news. We didn't even take a dinar. What are you going to do, that's…
You said one thing that I will not tell you, which was a notorious lie in our media as well. You say that in Serbia our workers wear diapers in the workplace. Some laments again, some crying again, crying for people who should be working. It didn't happen anywhere. You made it up on the spot, as did one newspaper that published it. And the unions from that company know it's a lie, but what do you care, it sounds good to you.
What is the meaning of what you said? Let's see the meaning of what you said. The meaning of what you said, first, let's not do it, second, I am here to protect you, because when we come to power, money will fall from nowhere, since we will not have foreign investors, we will not have anyone, but it will come from the sky something, so Jasmina Vujić will also add something to us. So far, she has taken, not given, but now she will give in the future, no problem, and then we will all live beautifully and richly. Where is it? How is it?
You say - tell me one country that is successful thanks to foreign investments. There is not one that is successful without being based on foreign investments.
Here, I will give you an example of how you answer. Germany, created on the Marshall Plan and American money after the Second World War. Germany, the most powerful European country, all based on foreign investment, but you don't know that, and what if you did. It is written in books, and books are sometimes superfluous. Leave it at that, or let's say Singapore was not created by I don't know who. Macedonia, which is developing successfully, is developing relatively successfully. It is developing thanks to foreign investments, and the fact that you are baptized, be baptized in a church, not in the Assembly, everyone has their own place where they should be baptized, and being baptized will not help you to read a book, so don't worry. Don't worry about me, I've helped more churches in my life than you. I have helped many more churches than you, I just didn't talk about it. From Ranilug to Gračanica, Dečan to all others. No, they are baptized in the Assembly, not in the church. They go to the sectarian one, the one that separated from the Serbian Church. Yes, that's where the money comes from, I guess.
Furthermore, I did not understand you about the Euro fanatics. I'm not a Euro fanatic and I wouldn't mind at all, if I were I would defend that position. I didn't. It just seems to me to be very rational, very realistic and serious and responsible towards our country and our people. I know where we export the most, I know who produces the most, I know where we can do and what we can do the most for our people.
The second they start working against our national interests, I'm the first to be angry and say this can't be done and this is not the case and I have no problem with it. It is a serious policy, and to divide people of Eurofanatics, such and such, because I imagined it in my head, because I could not present any of my politics in any other way, well, that does not occur to me.
You say that the EU did not give us money, but robbed us. She didn't rob us. I did not respond to Dragan Marković today, but I should have. We received 120 million euros in different ways just for the floods. Of course, that's not all. I'm talking about direct, what I saw through the account, and probably more, and that's free money.
One hundred and twenty million euros, show me what they took in Serbia, what they robbed? And where do we earn 120 million euros? Who made 120 million euros in Serbia, so we could take it? We have an obligation to at least say - thank you, to be decent hosts to say - thank you for helping us. Does that mean I'm going to tell them everything is extraordinary that you proposed to us in Brussels. Well, it's not. On the contrary. I rejected countless ideas, countless plans, and I will continue to do so in the future. I will always act in accordance with the interests of the people, in accordance with the interests of the citizens. You say there are no Serbian institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. Well, you say the same thing as Edita Tahiri, you quoted Edita Tahiri, you are no different from Edita Tahiri, that's what she says too. What kind of clinical centers, hospitals, health centers and what kind of schools are we paying for in Kosovo and Metohija? Well, we give 500 million euros a year for our people in Kosovo and Metohija. You don't say there are no institutions, we allocate 500 million euros for our people in Kosovo and Metohija. So how do we do it? Through what and through whom? And you are telling me that you are in a coalition with those in whose time there was a declaration against the legal independence of Kosovo and Metohija.
We have 40.000 allowances for our people in Kosovo and Metohija per month, so you watch. I have yet to see that we have had anyone give up on it or that our demands have been reduced. You are talking about incentives, the incentives for domestic companies and for foreign companies are equal. I was recently in two companies, I thought you were watching the news, domestic companies that we gave a greater incentive than foreign companies. Any company that fulfills the conditions and that gives us certain guarantees in terms of hiring people, will receive money. We just have to see that the company exists, and not give to phantom companies, fictitious companies, that take money and never give it back. To companies that have neither market nor goods, is this how serious the state behaves and takes care of its money?
You say - come on when you are strong, I am not strong, I am only the Prime Minister. That's what you like to say and don't brag about what you're stealing, so... When they steal, they do it with a smile and so they brag with a smile. As for you, I am not bashing anyone, but I was not afraid of your biggest allies and those who supported your coalition partners for years, I was not afraid to stand up to the biggest tycoons in this country and today I am paying that price through different media and through everything else they finance.
As you have noticed some verdicts have arrived. It is not true that there are no judgments. And you said about those judgments that they were political, I remained silent. Because when there are none, we are to blame, when there are, we are to blame. No matter how you turn it, we are to blame. I won't let you do that. We can be guilty of one thing, but guilty of everything, that is absolutely impossible. I was not afraid of any of them, neither tycoons, nor banks, and I will never be afraid of them. And tycoons, in contrast to the period of your partners' rule, do not rule Serbia today. And that's a big change. Today, citizens of Serbia rule through their legally and legitimately elected representatives.
Also, you talk about the Cyrillic alphabet, in every place because that is my choice, I don't know why you told me that. First, I always use the Cyrillic alphabet. In every place I talk about the need to protect the Cyrillic alphabet, but we have two equal letters, Cyrillic and Latin. So that no one thinks I'm wrong, it's Cyrillic, not Cyrillic. So, we have two equal letters, do you want us to tear down boards, tear canvases with Latin inscriptions? We will not do what others do.
I am proud of the fact that we protect both letters, that both letters are ours and that we have no problem with that. Do you want us to destroy 25.000 companies that displayed their company names in Latin letters? Yes? I won't. I will write Cyrillic to myself all the time. I looked at the Government, somewhere 70% of people use the Cyrillic alphabet, 30% Latin, everyone has the right to do what they want. It is my job to work, to teach my descendants to write Cyrillic, and I will do that. And I don't think of forcing everyone else.
I think it is so beautiful to write and use the Cyrillic alphabet that there is no need, no need to force anyone to do it. I think it's such a beautiful, such a good letter that it doesn't occur to me, just as I don't want to force anyone to belong to my family or to anyone else because I feel good and great in my own skin. I wouldn't force anyone, he has the right to feel better or just as good in a different way.
In the end, you mentioned the museum of victims of genocide, how unfair everything you said was, this was the most obvious. You see, in contrast to all other previous governments and parties of those governments with which you cooperate, for which you entered this parliament, which not only did not build a museum of genocide victims, they did not even build monuments. We have just now launched the initiative for a monument to Stefan Nemanja, here in Belgrade. I'm not going to tell you that we erected a monument to Gavril Princip. I'm not going to tell you that we started marking the "Storm" as one of the heaviest crimes and the biggest ethical cleansing after the Second World War and that we are doing it all together with the Republika Srpska. I want to inform you that we are currently working and preparing and designing a museum of victims of genocide and crimes that is being built at the Old Fairground, and the Assembly of the City of Belgrade is already doing a lot of this, together with our Jewish friends following the example of "Yad Vashem" and the Ministry, Aleksandar Vulin... So that without offending anyone, just that we can visit everyone what it is that our people have gone through.
Thank you for your attention. Sorry to answer so much, but there have been some really incredible claims.
I apologize if I went too far in the length of the answer.
Thank you very much.
(Boško Obradović: Reply.)
PRESIDENT: You are in the system. Here you go.
ZORAN ŽIVKOVIĆ: I am pointing out the violation of the Rules of Procedure, Article 107, which states that the speaker at the session of the National Assembly is obliged to respect the dignity of the National Assembly, that it is not allowed to address others directly and that it is not allowed to use offensive expressions.
The representative for the composition of the new government used the expression countless times today - "knows nothing", "has no idea", "lies", "steals", "thieves", "these", "they"... It is a mass of offensive expressions in Serbian language, in Cyrillic or Latin script.
I am asking you, President, to warn the representative next time that he cannot address the deputies in such a way. Members of Parliament are the hosts in this House. The Minister, the Prime Minister, the Mandate are guests and they should respect this House from the point of view of personal education. But, if they don't already do that, I ask that next time you use what you have been tasked with in Article 108 of these Rules of Procedure.
Thank you.
(Boško Obradović: Reply.)
PRESIDENT: One moment.
Article 107, Article 108.
Do you want us to vote on the violation of both articles, 107 and 108? (Yes.)
You've taken two now.
Let's see who else?
Marijan Risticevic, violation of the Rules of Procedure.
(Boško Obradović: Reply.)
In the Rules of Procedure it is written like this. So, we started working a long time ago, I ask you all to study the Rules of Procedure and not to shout at me every time I want to lead a session according to the Rules of Procedure.
So, priority is always given to violations of the Rules of Procedure.
Please, you were against that seminar, and it seems that it wasn't so futile.
Here you go.
MARIJAN RISTIČEVIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, I am surprised that someone who spent so much time in the library did not manage to read the Rules of Procedure.
Article 103, especially paragraph 8. My fellow farmer, a colleague in an attempt to advertise the Rules of Procedure, a violation of the Rules of Procedure, and perhaps he wanted to also violate the vineyard, grossly abused his right and uttered a classic retort. Therefore, I request that the provision from paragraph 8 be applied accordingly and that the time for which he abused the Rules of Procedure be taken away from him, talking about everything but the abuse of the Rules of Procedure. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: That is, just not about the violation of the Rules of Procedure. That's what you meant? Do you think we should vote? (No.)
So, that's a warning to me.
The floor is given to Milan Krkobabic.
(Boško Obradović: Reply. Please, reply. I asked for a reply 10 minutes ago. Is this a violation of the Rules of Procedure or what?)
THE PRESIDENT: They are shouting at me. I don't know if I should give in under the shout.
Let's be fair to give, so I'll give it to you. I'm going to give preference to politeness over yelling at hope, so I'll give you the floor afterwards.
(Boško Obradović: No rights.)
He has rights. Of course he has a right. We are all equal, 250 equal.
MILAN KRKOBABIĆ: Ms. Gojković, Mr. Vučić, respected fellow MPs, citizens of Serbia, I am now speaking as the head of the parliamentary group and a member of parliament. Of course, I hope that the representative has not changed his mind about the candidate proposal.
The business program of the Government of Serbia in the coming period was comprehensive, thorough and I would say based on really solid facts. I listened intently for six hours. I didn't text, I didn't comment, and I think it was worth hearing. I have spoken to many people who share that opinion. We had a lot to hear, but today in this discussion we really had a lot to hear. I hope we hear more.
Different political options are at work here and it is completely legitimate and, I would say, it is very useful for the state of Serbia. We are here to exchange opinions, to take positions and to take action.
What is this program? In my opinion, it is an energetic departure from the decades-long economy of misery, a departure from the decades-long, I would also say, strictly controlled chaos, and that is good.
Mr. Cedomir Jovanović's question was good today, very good. Are there any policies? There is, and the answers of the representatives were very good, not in the value sense that I evaluate those answers, but a good addition to the presentation of the program that we had the opportunity to hear yesterday. These are important questions for us.
Relationship with the environment. Perhaps I would touch on the other aspect of politics. That is the relationship in this program of labor and capital. Where is the work here, i.e. employees, pensioners, beneficiaries of social assistance, and where are those who organize the production process.
What can some expect from all this, and what can others expect, and that is a very important question. I said that we have different political orientations here. There are us left and right and those in the center. I tend to believe that the left I think must always be to the left of the right. I'm not kidding. The problem is when the right becomes too much and approaches the left.
Today things are mixed with us. We will hear extreme leftist views from people on the right and vice versa. Perhaps it is a remnant of the understanding of politics in the 20th century. This is the 21st century. Today, the basic imperative of the group I want to talk about is employees, pensioners. Dear friends, it is long-term stability. Nothing else but that.
So, the 800 thousand people who have lost their jobs in this country today can remember with sadness that they do not have a job and will not get it soon unless we do the concrete things that this program foresees. They can whine, they can complain, they can lament, it's not worth it.
As many as 700 pensioners made their solidarity contribution. Someone will look at me with amazement - did someone ask someone. Of course not, but certain measures have been taken. The responsibility was taken to withdraw those measures because the basic dilemma was not how many pensions will be 10%, 20%, no, but - whether there will be or not. That was the dilemma.
For serious, responsible people, that's what floated. The answer has been given - if we don't give that solidarity contribution, I call it solidarity again, and I know it's a heavy blow to those people, it's not easy to get 10 or more percent of the mass out of someone's pocket, the prime minister says it's a little over 5% . Of course it's not easy, but here, we are serious people, we also run businesses, we worked, does anyone here think that there was some short-term measure that could have given a better result or effect? Yes, someone will say - we could have taxed the tycoons. Can we do it in a day, two or three, or when we put them in the process, how will that process end and when will we charge for it, and the measure must be short-term, quick?
We could have tried some other things, I am not running away, but I responsibly claim that no short-term measure, I repeat - short-term, not medium-term, not long-term, could have given such a result and it did. We have heard from the exposition of the parameter, there is no need for me to repeat them. Both the IMF and the World Bank and all the professionals said that the right things were done. We do not always shy away from accepting some other solutions behind which there are really convincing reasons and justifications.
Pensions and salaries, it seems to me that there are somewhere around 380 million euros of savings on that. Could we get it by putting public companies in order? We could, in the medium and long term. We have information that public companies this year, if I'm not mistaken, gave us somewhere around 8,5 billion in profit last year. Is that right? It is much better than last year. Is that satisfactory? Of course not. Only one of them, I don't have to name now, which, when brought into harmony and order, will be able to inject half a billion euros into the budget of the Republic of Serbia. Why not put it in? Who establishes a company without making a profit? Neither a private person, nor the state. That is the basic motive, especially if these companies, I repeat, are positioned in the market. even those who only have to do the work, flow boiler. As much money as we put into them, they will provide so many services. You can't expect anything from them.
Of course, the reform of public companies is the key of all keys, and the prime minister defined it precisely. There will be a center of gravity, but we are also looking superficially, I would say. It all boils down to who will be the director, what kind of director he will be, or they say he should be professional. People, I don't know today whether public companies in Serbia are managed by volunteers, they work up to three hours in the mine, and then after three come to run the companies. And how are they professionals when they need to get paid. But whether their results are professional is another matter.
There will be a lot of work there and I like what in the exposition, if you followed, the representative announces something new. We are moving from the waiting phase to the expectation phase. Things are defined, which companies will be retained and which will be privatized, and within what time frame. Why is it necessary? It is necessary that those public companies, which are preparing for privatization, could take appropriate measures that will lead them to a successful transfer of ownership.
Of course, questions related to the banking sector are unavoidable. I think the Prime Minister spoke about them as well. Bad debts are a big ballast and it is something that is a potential mine. I know that he is aware of this and that he will take serious steps. They say that almost 3,5 billion are in those uncollectible claims. There are domestic banks, but also many foreign banks. Watch out, we managed to do something that no one else managed to do, to ruin some foreign banks. This is part of the mentality that the prime minister often talks about, so now banks that are completely foreign owned have such claims, which is completely unimaginable.
Now the question arises, and we appeal to the Prime Minister to measure it, in the way he knows and knows how, to distribute it evenly, or distribute it in the right way. Hasty moves are not moves. We need foreign banks, we need fresh capital, we need what he emphasized, and nobody does today. We need a financial market, we need a capital market. I will tell you, the turnover of the Belgrade Stock Exchange last year was symbolic - 176 million euros. We need a capital market, it has to be done. And we heard that in the exposition as an announcement. We want to put our own funds, which we have, 8,5 billion Serbian citizens keep in savings in commercial banks, into the function of our development. This does not mean that we prevent the inflow of foreign investments. It's a little less than three billion, and I'll be happy when it exceeds three billion, because since I can remember, it's mostly been talked about - three billion foreign investments and a 3% deficit. That's the mantra. Well, we have a deficit and investments are somewhere close. It is something that promises, that gives us hope.
Dear friends, first of all citizens of Serbia, pensioners, we have also heard what the fate of that population is. One million and seven hundred thousand people wait for the postman twice a month and God forbid he doesn't come to them. But, God has nothing to do with it, if this Government does not provide those funds in the budget of the Republic of Serbia. I will tell you an interesting fact. When we enter the Post of Serbia, when we unlock the door, the cost that day is between 500 and 1.700.000 million euros. So, you have to finish that day with at least one euro more than that. I don't know, the minister of finance is here, he is not here at the moment, how much does one day cost the state of Serbia. We have to pay 800.000 pensioners and XNUMX working people. It is a serious task. That's the responsibility, that's the imperative. They wait and expect.
That's why I say and repeat the key - long-term stability has no alternative. It is the regularity and security of the payment of salaries and pensions. It is up to us, to the future composition, to take sharp steps, to continue the reform course. There will be resistance, there is no doubt about it. Individual and group interests are more than present and they are suppressed, but they must not be underestimated. We also have something called an external factor. It is often said here, I don't know if it was said today, whether this Government is of the left, right or center, whether it is pro-Russian, pro-European, pro-American. I am sure that it is Serbian, just as I am sure that the concept of economic policy is our concept of economic policy. Let Ivica Dacic not rejoice, it is not the new NEP of Lenin, but our economic policy.
That's why I won't waste any more time, I'll conclude by quoting Mrs. Danica Popović. She once said - what counts is only the result, what you found and what you left behind. We heard what Vučić found two years ago, and in two years what he left behind. He left something solid for a new beginning, but together with all of us. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: The speaker of the parliament decides on the reply, Article 104, paragraph 3, and I decided 15 minutes ago.
Here you go.
Members of Parliament, I'm sorry, I don't know your name, and you're not in the system.
Marija Janjušević. Here you go, MPs.
MARIJA JANjUŠEVIĆ: I am reporting a violation of the Rules of Procedure, Article 27, Paragraph 2 - the President of the National Assembly takes care of the implementation of these Rules of Procedure. To assure you that we are learning quickly, because I heard this from you at the first session, I will also remind you that the president of the Dveri parliamentary group did not shout when you denied him or, I hope, only postponed a reply, but he resented it.
I'm still interested in how it's possible, because we're new, so maybe I didn't understand the prime minister, actually the candidate for prime minister, when he said that government candidates can't speak, so I'm wondering - how is it possible that we listened to Mr. Krkobabic's eulogies? I thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. However, a little more experience and work is needed, Article 27. you quoted it correctly, and I apply it. So Article 104, paragraph 3, is the key to everything, in order to understand the essence of the Rules of Procedure and why anyone is sitting here in this place, and not in the benches.
(Vojislav Šešelj: When will we get the new rules of procedure?)
So, one day for sure. It's not bad at all, even though it was brought by the Democratic Party, it just needs to be applied and I try to apply it as much as possible, with the help, of course, of all you deputies. Come to think of it, for the third year, the Rules of Procedure are not bad at all.
Regarding what you said next, I just have to tell you something, first let's elect the Prime Minister and the Government, then we will ask them questions. At the moment we don't have anyone to ask questions, and the others will do it through discussion, so we can't get up and question him.
(Boško Obradović: Reply.)
There is no reply, Article 104, paragraph 3. take it and read it. Therefore, someone has to decide in this parliament.
(Boško Obradović: I am the only head of the parliamentary group who does not have the right to reply. So, everyone has the right except me.)
No, you have the privilege to yell at me all you want, I don't even allow others to do that. You're a little nicer to me, so feel free to yell at me, but we'll keep working. Nada Matsura warned me this morning on the morning program that I will have verbal stress today and I am trying to avoid it, because I prepare for my work every morning.
I now give the floor to deputy Vojislav Šešelj, who has been waiting patiently for hours.
Don't shout, abuse of the Rules of Procedure, two minutes less, I'm warning you.
Here you go, MP Seselj, I know that you will manage and that you will be louder.
(Boško Obradović: That's your attitude towards the opposition. You've been speaking for ten hours so far, and you haven't given two minutes.)
Oh, please don't. Do not disturb MP Vojislav Šešelj. Like it or not, he has the right to speak in this parliament, he has a certain number of votes. He listened to you.
(Boško Obradović: Let Mr. Sešelj tell me if I'm right.)
Deputy, I try to give you the floor. That's what solidarity is.
VOJISLAV ŠEŠELj: Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, yesterday I patiently listened to the presentation of Mandate Vučić with great attention, and tonight I studied it once more. Unfortunately, I didn't get those other two parts because we were told yesterday that we would get a total of 240 pages. But, what I have studied is enough for me to be able to express my basic opinion about the Government's program and policy, as mandated by Vučić for the next mandate period.
That exposition irresistibly reminded me of the year 1982 or 1983, when the then regime brought a program document called the Long-Term Program for the Economic Stabilization of Yugoslavia. It was in four volumes, as far as I can remember, about two thousand pages. What did that document contain? As a young anti-communist dissident, I studied it and took things from it in order to deal with the communist order. Therefore, I was not as close to the government as I am now, but from a distance. They managed to see almost all the problems. They managed to see the needs of society. They planned to achieve everything they imagined and to make the country flow with honey and milk. They lost sight of one thing, and that is the basic problem that created the crisis at that time, which is social property and socialist self-management. No one has yet dared, except me personally, to strike at that.
Yesterday, I was listening to Mandate Vučić and I see that he is aware of almost all the problems of Serbian society and, of course, expresses his desire to solve those problems, but his approach is not consistent and coherent. For example, he does not specify the economic philosophy with which he acts, so we cannot draw a clear conclusion whether he is in favor of neoliberalism, because there are elements of neoliberal philosophy in his report, whether he is for state interventionism, there are also those elements, whether he is for the welfare state, it also has those elements, and in particular it did not solve the question, if it is for all that, how to combine and combine these three economic philosophies into one and give a definitive answer to what are social needs.
Political economy is derived from economic philosophy. Several systems of political economy are known in the world, Mr. Vujović probably knows that. They are based on theories of surplus value, which is the basis of all political economy. Marxist saw surplus value in production. That's why communism failed. It turned out that surplus value is not in production because you can do the most meaningless work and therefore it is wrong to say - work, work, work and only work. Your work is useless if you can't sell it to the market. Those who believed that surplus value is created on the market won. The twentieth century was a gigantic showdown, a showdown between two giants - Marx and Keynes. John Maynard Keynes brought Karl Marx down on his shoulders and that's how communism fell.
Now we need to see how to get out of all this. We ourselves have seen how much work can be in vain when the peasants produce a lot of food for us, a lot of fruit, a lot of vegetables, we don't know what to do with it and then it goes to waste, it gets thrown away. And at the same time, most of the goods are imported from the European Union and sold at ridiculous prices, because the doors of our border are at the mercy of the European Union. Since I guess we are no longer supporters of the theory that surplus value is created in production rather than in the market, we must first of all protect our market. Well, unfortunately, I did not hear anything about this protection of the Serbian market in the exposé of Mandate Vučić. I wish I had.
Of course, he did not refer to some modern economic doctrines. We also have distinguished scientists who have dealt with the problem of transition, several books have been published on the subject. Jovo Dušanić is one of the others who wrote about it, about the Russian transitional experience, because Russia experienced the most terrible transition. Milošević must be given credit for stopping that upside-down transition after the fall of Ante Marković, for preserving industrial capacities, and then when the Ottomans came, they destroyed everything, destroyed everything. And, today, everything is destroyed. Very little exists compared to what used to exist. It does very little compared to what it used to do.
When it comes to economic policy, it had to be based on a clear definite system and it had to be complete. Here, on the one hand, we see a list of good wishes, on the other hand, good intentions, and on the third hand, pointing out problems, but there is no complete solution within the system.
You see, in economic policy, which is highly developed as a science and differs significantly from political economy and economic philosophy, smart people have developed paradigms. We also have an attempt to create paradigms in politics. Every ideology is tied to a certain paradigm after all. What does that mean? They developed an ideal model for how a project should be implemented, an ideal model.
It can never be fully translated in reality, but it must be as much as possible. It was there throughout history, through recent history and some problematic situations. For example, in China, when a paradigm was artificially created in one Chinese village that was chosen as a model for all other villages. The village was called Tacaj. The basic slogan was to learn from Tacaj. The Thachaj experience was a paradigm. What is our problem today? Because we have a similar paradigm. What is that paradigm? It is the "Fiatova" factory in Kragujevac, on which the slogan should be put - learn from Fiat. There are several more factories, I guess Velenje in Valjevo, in Pirot, and then there is the South Korean "Jura", in Ralja, in Leskovac, and now this shoe factory in Vranje, etc.
We have a paradigm that is evil, that is meaningless, that is definitely ruining us. There is no economic policy. In the modern world, which succeeded because the Ottomans started it, and the progressive government continues it. What is that? It is paying foreign factories huge sums of money to open plants in our country and it is usually around 10.000 euros. "Fiat" 10.000, plus 1.000 for work training, and "Jura" received about 10.000, etc. Well, "Fiat", I studied the "Fiat" case the best, because I got hold of the entire contract in an illegal way, and as soon as I got hold of it, I immediately went to a press conference about a year and a half ago.
The state waived all taxes and contributions on salaries. Then why does that factory work? Because it was necessary for the Ottomans in the pre-election campaign and these other factories that the progressives opened according to the same pattern could only be a propaganda tool. I can't, a little patience, Mr. Vučić, I listened carefully to your elaboration, I never interrupted you except when you were the first to make a joke, at least by sweating or something else.
Therefore, I think that it is a serious discussion, that it must be approached seriously. And, the basic thing that must be re-examined is this matter, what is better if we already take a loan, a loan, take on additional debt, so we have that money for each worker, ten thousand, then give a loan to those workers, then let them try something with the team. Well, give them free money after all, and not bring foreigners, give money to foreigners. Here, "Fiat" recently announced its departure from Serbia, it cannot succeed. You didn't even manage to sell "Fiat" vehicles in Russia. Why didn't you? Because they told you right there that it is not a Serbian product. All parts for "Fiat" vehicles are imported into Serbia, and when they are exported, they are shown as Serbian exports. Here you have imports, here you have exports, and you really have nothing. Only one part is installed in "Fiat" which is produced in Serbia, it is a crane produced in a private factory in Svilajnec, if my memory serves me well, everything else is foreign. And, therefore, maybe Russia would allow it, its partners there do not, because it is a question of foreign goods.
It didn't make us happy, it didn't contribute to anything. We have an artificial growth of import and export items. When we import parts for that Fiat, we have a sudden import jump. When I export "Fiat" vehicles, our exports jump. This increases our trade balance with the EU, but in fact it is all fictitious.
The solution offered by us Serbian radicals must be as radical as what I once offered for a long-term program of economic stabilization, but now different. Stopping the insistence on joining the EU, it cannot bring us anything good. It is our largest export to the EU today, but our imports from the EU are much larger. So, more harm than good. Every import is harmful, except for goods that we are unable to produce at all. Every import is harmful, and every export is of course beneficial if the goods are not sold for a pittance. There are harmful exports.
We have to take into account what the mandate holder said, that from time to time a surplus appears in the budget or that it already exists as a permanent category. To tell you the truth, I didn't understand what it meant and it seems a bit unbelievable to me. We have an increase in external debt, somewhere around 25 billion euros, we have a total gross indebtedness, that is, a gross social product of 75%, and a budget surplus. Immediately, what comes to my mind is that it is a question of divided observation of the budget for state administration, for local self-government, for this, for that, so when what is the biggest loser and where the most is spent and where the most is wasted is singled out, then we have as healthy indicators. That's what they did to us before with rehabilitation, of course I'm thinking about it, I'm not sure if that's the case, but I'm particularly troubled by the fact that in Serbia since 2002 there hasn't been a single law on the final account of the state, the Republic.
There is no final bill and I cannot speak competently about the budget. I can listen to the stories of people and authorities. Usually, we oppositionists do not trust the new government.
The abolition of customs duties for goods from the EU was disastrous. Tadić's regime canceled much more than we were obliged to by the Stabilization and Association Agreement, and we lost at least half a billion euros a year, and maybe even a whole billion.
Where else are we losing? I made some notes here while the representative was speaking, but I can't use everything I thought, since my time is running out too quickly. I only have the impression that it flows so quickly.
We have some other things that are very problematic. We have agencies, 136 agencies, 170. Every government has announced their abolition in the last ten years. None of them fulfilled their promise, and according to my data, they spend around 700 million euros per year. Does anyone have better information? Someone said a billion.
We must finally decide between the EU and Russia. We now have very serious geopolitical reasons. Russia and Turkey strengthen relations, America will be pushed out of the Balkans. If Trump wins, she won't even be interested in the Balkans. Let's definitely lean towards Russia in time, let's seek her embrace in order to preserve what we have now and recover what was ours. We have no other.
Now I have to shorten a bit, I won't get there, the representative of the fight against crime spoke about the review of the origin of the property, and there I have my opinion expressed in detail, I don't have time to communicate it. There is no fight against crime until you arrest the main criminals in this country, including those who stormed the National Bank and the Federal Customs Service with automatic rifles on October 5 and set fire to the Parliament, and so on.
You have 24 privatizations established by Verica Barać, I am a complete political opponent of the late Verica Barać, but she did a serious and excellent job. The regime awarded her the order posthumously and forgot all that she presented. There is no fight against crime and corruption until all 24 of these privatizations are pushed to the end.
You have the case of the arrest of people suspected of murdering Đinđić, Dušan Spasojević and Mile Luković, who were killed by police generals on the orders of the regime, the leading people of the regime. Rodoljub Milojević, general of Paja and Spasoje Vulevic, he is still the commander of SAJ. What fight against crime? Commander of SAJ.
What is the fight against crime when the issue of Tomislav Nikolić and his criminal affairs is not opened? No one dares to demolish these three houses for him in the forbidden, protected area of the Sava River, Zorana Mihajlović had to do that.
THE PRESIDENT (Veroljub Arsić): Twenty minutes, Mr. Sešelj.
VOJISLAV ŠEŠELj: By right of administrative supervision, the new Minister for State Administration and Local Self-Government must by right...
PRESIDENT: Colleagues' time has expired.
(Vojislav Šešelj: And of course, those fake diplomas of Tomislav Nikolić must be finally...)
(Milan Lapčević: Reply.)
Colleague Lapčević, on what basis is the reply?
(Vojislav Šešelj: You cut my time short.)
Can you tell me what the replica is based on?
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Based on the mention of the parliamentary group.
PRESIDENT: He did not mention any parliamentary group.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: The Prime Minister a little while ago...
PRESIDENT: Only if you identified yourself when 24 privatizations were mentioned. The right to a replica is requested immediately upon acquiring the basis for a replica.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Yes, yes, I asked, but Madam...
PRESIDENT: I have the floor for the representative Aleksandar Vučić. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUČIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, I am very pleased that I will have the opportunity to answer this and I think I will do my best to present stronger arguments than those presented by Mr. Sešelj. I'm grateful once again that he listened yesterday, it's not true that he didn't throw things, it doesn't even matter. It was sporting, fair and I have no problem with it. It is in the spirit of parliamentarism and parliamentary debate.
Namely, first of all, let's start from the program and policy of the Government that you talked about and the fact that we have not chosen any of the three known directions, that is, absolute state interventionism, the neoliberal concept or the welfare state, i.e. the so-called "the welfare states".
It is true, we have decided for a market economy and our policy in the economy is a policy of pragmatism and eclecticism. What does that mean? And this is what is applied today in the modern economy and in the modern world. None of these three has a fourth classical economic theory in its pure sense.
What does eclecticism mean? It is a philosophical direction that does not adhere to any rigid paradigm, and that is exactly what the Republic of Serbia adheres to, and that is the only thing possible in today's conditions.
Today, economies are divided in modern Europe and the modern world into open economies and economies that want to be closed both politically and in part economically, and there you see the division of Europe into countries on the one hand Germany and its closest allies and on the other side you have Hungary, mainly Visegrad Group countries that have their own different political interests.
It's exactly one thing where it's the market that determines the value, I think we're used to that. Now let me immediately answer your second question about the protection of the Serbian market, because I respect your concern and it sounds good when citizens listen, but we participate in a broader market, in a regional market for which we would like it to be even more open, because if you speak about the deficit or surplus we have in the trade exchange, we have the biggest surplus in the region, we export the most, that is, the biggest disproportion between our exports and imports is precisely in our relationship with Macedonia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. We also have a surplus in exchange with certain EU countries, primarily because their factories and companies work in Serbia and export those goods to those countries.
We cannot protect our market not only because, as you said, that a previous regime undertook certain obligations, we would go beyond all the rules, we would close our economy, we would turn it into an autocratic one, and it cannot be self sufficient.
You say, wherever we have too big a difference, too big a deficit, we managed to reduce the deficit three years ago, in 2013, we covered imports with exports at 58,9% with EU countries. Today at the EU 28 level, we cover it with 77,8. So, we dramatically increased our exports, primarily thanks to the arrival of companies from those countries.
Today we are in an incomparably better situation, we have reduced the trade imbalance, the trade deficit, we have also reduced the payment deficit, we have fewer and fewer problems in this regard in our relations with the EU because we have somehow integrated into the EU economy. This is exactly why we have, we export 85% of our goods to the market of the region and the EU.
Of course, there was a lot of carelessness and the SAA was especially badly negotiated in the part about agriculture, but what to do, as a country you have to respect the agreements that your predecessors signed and initialed.
A little while ago, I did not know since you told me that some others had done it, that the second Kostunica government had initialed it. So, there was an argument about who was going to put the signature, but they initialed, let me tell you that.
So, we had to respond to that, it seems to me, with the only possible economic policy. I am grateful that you saw the effort, but what we put forward, we struggled to find some other mechanisms and some other ways, there are none. It is impossible to find pure political-economic consistency, that is, one approach. That's past tense. That time has passed for 35-40 years, you won't find it, especially for small economies and small countries like ours.
The only possible approach is pragmatism and eclecticism, and that is ours. We do not have rigid theories that we adhere to, which could be completely consistent and coherent in the legal, economic, and theoretical sense.
So this is what really is the only possible approach and I argue that. You are right about some of the things you talk about. I could speak more harshly than you about some things, because I have read those contracts better and I know how much money we have to spend, and I remain silent, because I do not want to harm Serbia, because I do not want to harm the workers employed in certain places, because I want to fight for those factories to remain in Serbia.
Essentially it is, but you are wrong when you talk about the numbers. Taxes and contributions are not the problem. We can give a tax holiday for ten years. It would not be a problem for us if they kept such a large number of employed people, if they increased investments, etc. There are other problems. Our investments are much, much larger than that, much larger than that, much larger than taxes, contributions, much larger than 10.000 euros.
As for the 10.000 euros, only three factories were given a subsidy of 10.000 euros per workplace. We gave in none or in one. In all other cases it was earlier. But, I'm telling you now, I analyzed that case of "Jura", that is the so-called labor intensive, they take, low wages, large number of workers, etc. So far, we have already charged them three times more than what we gave them. It paid off. I thank them for coming to Serbia. I am asking them to stay in Serbia. I'll give you the clean numbers myself, so it was worth it. Did we have an alternative? We didn't even have an offer from local businessmen for the same. They have a market for their goods, a safe market, and they want to employ more people here, as does "Leoni", they want two new factories now, one in Niš, one again in Doljevac, Merošina or Prokuplje, we'll see.
Are wages low? They are. But as a state, through taxes and contributions and through everything else they have done, they have already given back a lot of what the state gave them. We are now discussing this with "Kromber Schubert", which will initially employ 2.500 people in Kruševac, then go to Jagodina, Kraljevo or Leskovac to employ another 1.500 people. It always comes back to us. This is positive for us and we will give you all the details so that you can see that it is a net gain for us.
Why can't we do without it? So that people who work in small and medium enterprises, in private companies can understand it. We can't do without it, the competition will steal everything from us. Bulgaria, Macedonia and Romania will be taken from us. "Continental", as one of the two or three most powerful component companies from Germany, the pride of German industry, employed 12.000 people in Romania. I'm on my knees every week, begging them to increase the number. Now I was the happiest when they informed me that they were going to increase the number of employees by 12.000 new people. The same is the case with others. They all offer much more, Macedonians.
We are not looking forward to it, but we have attracted a larger number now than when there is some kind of political vacuum, insecurity, etc. investors, because their minister had the authority and the right to agree as he wanted and what he wanted with foreign investors. We can't do that. We abide by laws and regulations. We cannot compete with them. When he sees that an investor has come to Serbia, that he then went to Romania, and then came to Macedonia, he always offers him 10% more than what we offered, and we lose him and lose him both in the employment of the workforce and in taxes and contributions made by the state after that, and we have none of that, and we directly strengthen our competition, because auto-component manufacturers follow auto-component manufacturers. When "Teklas" comes, now this "Djosur" is coming, "Djesur", as it is called, is going to Žitoradja with 160 to 180 employees. He would not be here if "Teklas" ended up in Macedonia. We kidnapped him to Macedonia. That's why Vladičin Han can live. Vladicin Khan, Mr. Seselj, could not live, as you know, because they destroyed everything. They lined up five factories in a row, which they destroyed, destroyed and closed, five one after the other, like a cemetery of factories.
(Boško Obradović: Who?)
Those with whom you went to the elections, and some others.
So, as far as "Fiat" and Russia are concerned, they will approve us, Medvedev is coming here in October and we will get approval for the export of "Fiat" to Russia. That is not their reason, there are other reasons. There is also politics and everything else, not to mention that. For our own reasons, we have not yet managed to ensure the export of milk and certain types of cheese. I believe that we will be able to finish it before the arrival of the Russian Prime Minister.
We have more products for "Fiat" produced here. We have glass lifters in Sremska Mitrovica. We have around 3.000 people working as suppliers for Fiat. That is a very positive thing.
I struggled recently when I went to Italy, I struggled and I begged "Alta Villa" to keep working. There are some positive things that I must not talk about publicly because those people do not want to talk about it publicly. I have to keep my word to them. But I believe that we will manage to push it through, because it is important for Kragujevac, because it is important for the workers in Kragujevac, but it is also important for all of us.
It is true that the difference is not large for us, that our net export is not large. That's why I don't understand when they make tables for us on our televisions, when they tell us about gross exports, but they never make us a table of net exports. What is it that we get from equipment and components from Serbia, and what is it that we get from abroad? That would be a real table. What are you going to do when nobody in Serbia knows about it and nobody cares about it.
As for the surplus and the public debt, I will tell you that. Namely, because I listened to all kinds of stories and all kinds of falsehoods from various people, we had in August, when Dinkić had to take in 2012, he had to take, because everything was completely empty, pensions and salaries would not have been paid already in September, everything was at zero, liquidity non-existent, cash flow non-existent, he had to take three billion. It was at 56% of the public debt. Today it is at 71,9, that is, after these credit arrangements that we had to cover with our guarantees, 72,4%.
We planned for it to be somewhere around 77% at the moment, and 79% by the end of the year. It's better than we expected. I have been talking about this for two years. It is better precisely because of the surplus we have in the budget today.
What does a surplus in the budget of the Republic of Serbia mean? In the simplest language, our revenue side in the budget, and because of the citizens, is higher than the expenditure side. We earned more than we spent, both on salaries and pensions. Most of it goes to pensions, by far, followed by salaries in the public sector, then goods and services and, of course, interest.
Already this year, and with the fact that we have paid for interest and annuities, we have paid about 780 million euros so far, and with the fact that we have paid this year, we are in the surplus. Our income side is bigger. Our incomes are better, and the collection of VAT and excise duty and collection from public companies, dividends, collection of all types of taxes and profit tax is higher than last year. So all those numbers are going well for us. Expenditures are also slightly lower by 3,1%, Vujović, if I'm not mistaken, than what was planned. Expenditures are 3,1% lower. That's why we have a surplus. It requires enormous discipline, enormous responsibility, really enormous discipline and responsibility.
I will also remind you of the time when we were part of the Government in 1998-1999. year. You remember that everyone had to, which was also the case with these until 2010, 2011, so we had to know someone in the Treasury. My orders have been in the Treasury for three or four months, they cannot be paid because there is no liquidity, because there is no cash flow. Today there are no such problems. Cash flow is perfect. We have everything. One day the order arrives, the same day money is paid out from the Treasury.
Why are these good things? What does that say about public debt? This means that if our GDP, and the GDP grows in the first six months by 2,6%, if it continues to grow, we have the freedom to, since our GDP is around 35 billion, and GDP means the total value of the assets that we create on an annual . When we grow by 2,6%, when you divide that, it's about 800 million, 750-800 million, we can take, borrow 750, 800 million on the financial market, our public debt in relation to GDP will not grow.
So, that is why it is important that we have GDP growth, economic growth, and at the same time not have a significant deficit, because by doing so we stop the growth of the public debt, as we have already done, and it starts to fall. Our goal is for it to be lowered in the next two or three years, to be below 70% by 2023, to keep it at the level if I'm right, correct me, Vujović, below 60%, because below 60% is Maastricht, we no longer have any problems and we can only think about how to further improve our economy. We do it together for the IMF and the World Bank. We will deliver you the final account every year and each of our rebalancing will be a de facto account until that part of the year when we have it because every dinar is controlled by the IMF, we cannot spend a dinar without the IMF. It is known exactly where it is and what it is.
So, now I am telling you that when we want the Post Savings Bank to finance part of our dedicated industry. How many spears do we break? For three months we have been breaking spears about it, because we want to give an additional financial injection to our dedicated military industry. We know we will cover it, especially since SDPR has the money for it. Placement from Postanska Štedionica is guaranteed. A commercial bank cannot do that, unless the IMF approves it.
So our finances are under absolute control. No worries about that, but it doesn't allow us the freedom to spend more money. I'm happy that it's like that today and I'm happy that it's going to be like that for another year or so. After that, we are free to do what we want, but I would like someone who comes after me to be equally disciplined and take care of it in this way.
By the way, since I have been Prime Minister, then the public debt was 71% of GDP, today it is 72,4% with the assumption of these guarantees. Of course, someone will say the date, don't look date by date, but year by year. The one who made the budget in advance is to blame. If I don't become Prime Minister tomorrow, if a car runs over me in front of me, whatever happens to me, it's not your fault or someone from here who will have to borrow the day after tomorrow because there is no liquidity in the budget.
When you follow a geometric progression, your public debt increases, when you have obligations that you cannot fulfill as a state. They increased wages and pensions without any economic growth. We, the people, have minus 3,6 GDP growth, and we are increasing salaries and pensions. People in Serbia should know that, it never happened. Minus 3,6. It is a historical minus. We increase salaries and pensions on top of that, and what do you expect, what do you expect, but complete ruin. The complete failure of the system, the complete failure of the system, the complete failure of everything because they promised someone that it must be seen that the coalitions they make bring results. It's scandalous, and someone had to correct it, and that's why I didn't say in the campaign we'll increase this, we'll increase that.
Today we can increase, we will not feel it. I don't give. I don't give because I want to brag about my discipline and I want to make it permanent. To us, the IMF recognizes the increase in VAT revenue as permanent. It does not recognize the one of payment, it recognizes the VAT increase and it recognizes the excise duty for the most part. Is that so, Vujović? They recognize that as a permanent increase on the income side. They do not yet fully acknowledge the permanent reduction in expenditure. We still have to fight to prove it, but it means that we have managed to heal a good part of it.
About 24 privatizations. I personally dealt with it and I am proud of the result of what we did there. Of course our part as an executive is very limited, as you know. You can, according to the PO they receive, which is a request to collect information, the police from the prosecution to see what the police as part of the executive branch was doing. The police did everything on 24 cases. That man, whom we replaced, worked very well in that regard, both Milović and Pušić. I would be lying if I said that Veljović and many others did not work well. Indeed, the police did everything they needed to in this matter.
I think that for those eight cases, out of those 24, accusations have arrived, that is, indictments and indictments. Some six were told that there was no crime. So, when the prosecution asked for PO, they responded in such a way. For the latter, there is still no decision from the prosecution. So, as far as the police are concerned, and as far as the investigative sense is concerned, literally everything was done, without protecting anyone. There you have one of Misković's subjects. It's "Del Real" where the police said there was no crime scene. Even the prosecution said that.
So things just exist. You cannot force someone, because we are fighting for the judiciary to be independent, the prosecutor's office to be independent, but we dedicated ourselves to it and worked hard and diligently, believe me, we worked day and night.
No matter how much and whatever you think of me, you know that I'm not lazy either, but you know that when I say that we did something day and night, that's how we did it. I wanted to show the people that those who have acquired enormous wealth and only because they have acquired that wealth cannot govern Serbia and determine what is right and what is justice. Law and justice are equal for everyone in this country and we will always act that way.
One more thing. You see, they convinced me for two years. for two years I kept quiet and listened to everyone from the sidelines telling me - you see, if Perčević doesn't get to pay his salary, tell some bank to give 10-20 million, if Mišković doesn't get here to pay this and that salary, tell some bank. That's what they did before that. That's how they finished everything, a little to them, a little here, a little there, what you have from "Agrobanka", which you can look at and see. I kept quiet, kept quiet, kept quiet, listened, talked, people talk nonsense, no, no, our economy will fail, these are big systems. Here's how we got rid of it, our economy started to grow. As they no longer determine anything in all this and as nothing depends on how many banks they will racketeer and how many politicians they will bribe, our economy has started to grow because we are becoming a normal country.
As for politics, I understand your attacks on Tomislav Nikolić. You are preparing for the presidential elections. I think that Tomislav Nikolić did his job well as the President of the Republic, and as for the policy in which we should completely abandon the European path and go into the arms of only one power, I understand that this is your policy, that's what you get votes for . I don't think that I love Russia less than you, but I think, and I don't give myself the right to love it more, that the policy we are leading is the only possible, the only rational, the only realistic one. If we were to do that, just tell me - what should we do with "Bosch" the next day, what should we do with "Continental" and "Siemens", and what should we do with "Štad" in Vršac, what should we do with all those companies?
(Vojislav Šešelj: They will wait and work for Russia.)
They will all be waiting to work for Russia. None of them will, believe me, because today they have mutual sanctions and very bad relations, and today we have an opportunity precisely because of this policy. What "Continental" produces in Serbia, what "Siemens" produces, a wind generator in Serbia, is a Serbian wind generator, says "Siemens" made in Serbia. And that is produced by workers in Serbia and here they pay wages to workers in Serbia.
One more thing, in this way we can export our goods duty-free to a market of almost one billion, of almost 500 million EU plus the region, plus Russia and five other countries that are with it in the Eurasian Union. We have the greatest benefit from the policy we are dealing with. Why should we cut off the legs we stand on? Why should we shorten the market for ourselves? Why can't we export our products somewhere we can? Why should we deny ourselves imports that are incomparably cheaper for us today.
Secondly, as far as pork and any other type of meat is concerned, it comes from the EU, but it also comes from other parts. In other respects, we have a bigger imbalance with Russia than with Germany, especially last year and the year before last when they had problems with the ruble, when we could not export almost anything. Not every import is harmful, and where else should we import gas than from Russia. We can only import it from Russia. Everything else we heard was empty talk. They told me - import it from Azerbaijan, import it from here...
(Vojislav Šešelj: At what price will we pay for it? When we integrate with Russia, we will pay at the price...)
I like to discuss with you and I don't mind. I don't mind when you throw and I'm glad...
(Vojislav Šešelj: I am handicapped. You spend 25 minutes answering my 20 minutes.)
You are not handicapped. Today, Mr. Seselj, we have the best possible price with the Russian Federation, $118 is taken over by Berigova gas, $118 allows us to operate MSK and Azotara. Our "break even" is somewhere at 210, 220 dollars. Today we take over 118 on Berigovo.
What is our problem and what we are trying to sign with the President of the Russian Government are long-term contracts with the price of gas. Of course, they hope for an increase in the price of gas on the world market, it is understandable that they will not make a ten-year contract. Today we would sign not at 110, not at 118, today we would sign at 180 at the ten-year level, if only we could calculate what the price of gas is. We have a good gas price. Today we have good, never better, and don't forget, three or four years ago we had 420 dollars per 1000 cubic meters.
I said this because others are also telling us to build interconnectors, we will build interconnectors, but there is no gas. That's why you have to import and that's why it was always easiest for us with Russian gas. That's why I think that everything we talked about was done in a serious way and that it was not a wish list, but that answers were offered. Not everything will be ideal, there will be problems, there will be jumps, there will be pain, there will never be milk and milk flowing anywhere. Milk does not flow in Germany, in the USA, or in much more developed countries than ours.
Are things getting better? Yes, I'm sure they're getting better and I'm sure they will be and we'll have the strength to make things go in an even better direction than they are today. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: The floor is given to MP Vojislav Šešelj.
VOJISLAV ŠEŠELj: Mr. Vučić spoke for 26 minutes. It doesn't matter, I'll finish in two minutes.
First, Mr. Vučić, you advocate for even greater cooperation with civil society and squander state money like the Government. The largest number of civil society organizations is the Fifth Column. Previous governments took over their funding from the foreign agencies that previously created and financed them. You are financing RTS, which also represents a foreign agency, working against Serbia.
Furthermore, the government's cultural policy, which has been the least talked about so far, makes failure after failure. The Government of Serbia and the Government of Vojvodina and the Government of Novi Sad are giving huge sums of money to "Exit". Matica srpska cannot print its yearbook, the oldest Serbian literary magazine. The Serbian literary association, the oldest Serbian publisher, and a whole series of other cultural institutions that cannot be done without help. I think that we can do without "Exit" and without that drug that arrives there in tons. I'm not in favor of banning "Exit", but to see how much money is spent on real culture and cultural values, and how much is spent on that white world nonsense.
Furthermore, you are advocating a review of the origin of the property, fine, but at the same time you are returning the property that was taken from the former tycoons 50 or 60 years ago. Were those old tycoons more honest than today's? All tycoons are the same. No one made their first million dollars the honest way, don't play with it. Now it is stolen from the poor in order to return it to the descendants, the great-grandchildren of those of the past.
(Chairman: Two minutes.)
One more thing, short. Mr. Vučić, on my initiative in the Government of Serbia in 1999 or 2000, we prohibited public companies from giving any donations.
PRESIDENT: I thank my colleague Šešelj.
(Vojislav Šešelj: Why don't you abolish that right in public companies?)
PRESIDENT: Colleague Seselj, two minutes and 30 seconds, I was as tolerant as I could be.
Thank you.
The floor is given to Prime Minister Vučić.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: Just to tell you something, there is no need to shout. Mr. knows...
(Vojislav Šešelj: As there is no need, when he turned off my electricity.)
Mr. Seselj knows that he has no right.
Second, you know very well that I am not at all afraid of you. Maybe someone somewhere is afraid of you, I'm not afraid of you at all. And that and you know very well. We spent fifteen years together. Don't even shout, don't even threaten me. Unlike some on Twitter here and there, you know I'm not afraid of anything.
As for the rules, business rules exist, and as you can see, I don't have any problem, I like this discussion very much, especially since it is reasoned and serious. I don't have any problem.
You are right about something again, Mr. Seselj, but you are wrong about something. You are right about public companies. It has been dramatically reduced. These benefits have been reduced tenfold. What remains for us as a problem, and not all public companies, because "Telekom" is not a public company to you, but anyway, I understood what you mean, the one where the state has the majority capital, even if it is a joint stock company or anything else.
So, it is true, we give money from there as a state primarily to sports clubs and our national team. We gave both for the basketball national team. We gave for almost all our national teams, we gave for Crvena Zvezda and Partizan. And if you ask me if it's a mistake? It's my fault. It was a mistake that we gave for Crvena Zvezda and Partizan. I don't have the strength to refuse it, because everyone will tell me - they've been around for 70 years, they've been very successful, and now you've appeared, and you've shut them down. You know very well that I don't do it because I am invested in any of them, because I don't really care what they are going to shout at me. Those who say such things do not touch me at all. I'm not worried in the least. But I just don't have the strength. And you are right about that.
You are wrong about the latter. As for civil society, to a lesser extent it is, except that I do not agree with the mentioned expressions. But I think it is incredible that the projects are won and that the commissions are appointed so that they are political commissars in the true sense of the word, who first of all make programs against the state. And if by chance they don't get money from that same state, then the state is to blame for everything. And even if they get money, the state is to blame for everything. And that is our problem. And that was done more by the City of Belgrade than the State of Serbia, but the State of Serbia also did it.
Should our cooperation with civil society remain? Yes, you should. Thanks to the cooperation with the civil society, we did some important things both in the accession negotiations and in the screenings, and I will not apologize to anyone for that, I am proud of that and we learned a lot from those people.
We also collaborated with the non-governmental sector, to which Ana Brnabić also belonged, and I learned countless things from her. Today, Ana is a member of the Government of Serbia and I am proud that she is a member of the Government of Serbia. And I'm not sorry that we helped their work in different ways. We really learned a lot from them and managed to move the country from 91st to 59th place. And we guarded the country all that time, that's why I will not allow anyone to be neither a greater Serb, nor a greater patriot, nor to love Russia more, nor to love anyone else in the world more. Because we kept and protected her in the best possible way. Because we preserved our traditions, took care of our people in every place, did our best to preserve their identity, wherever our people live and did all this in very difficult conditions and circumstances. And I know you know that too, and I know you respect that too. I know what politics is, it's not a problem. But it is not a solution to cut off one leg or both legs and say - this is how we will move forward. So we can't run much faster than we do today.
I know that this kind of policy is the only one possible at this moment, the only one that brings prosperity to Serbia, and if people in Serbia think that there are simple solutions or solutions that are completely consistent and that do not lead to eclecticism, which is the only one possible for our small country and not only in the economic sense, but also in the legal-philosophical sense, the political sense, then let someone else rule. Let someone else rule. It is closer to the heart of the people that you speak. What I am saying is the only reasonable thing. I know it well because it is closer to my heart. I know very well. Maybe the best and it is not disputed, but I know very well what the state is and I know very well what the state is and when it comes to paying pensions, salaries and I know when it comes to measuring your GDP growth, how much your surplus is, how much your deficit is . That's what I worry about. I have to worry about that. Every morning it comes to my desk more than anything else. That's how the country is protected, protected and defended, and you know how much I love the country and you know that I put the country before everything else and you know that I also know and respect your attitude towards the country, even if I don't agree with that policy, which I don't respect for some.
So I was showing that kind of respect and not speaking in a way where I wanted to put someone down or make fun of someone or make any kind of cynical or sarcastic comment.
Serbia is on the right track. It faces many challenges, many difficult challenges, many difficult political challenges. They can disrupt our economic trajectory. Ours is to be as unique as possible, to push things forward and to see that we can boast that we are one of the first three or four countries in terms of economic growth in Europe, this year we will be in the first three, four or five, and next year we will try to be the first, but we need such 10, 15, or 20 years to be able to reach serious countries.
I believe in this generation of Serbs and Serbian citizens that they will be able to do it. Thank you.
(Vojislav Šešelj: Reply.)
PRESIDENT: Right to reply, Vojislav Šešelj. The replica lasts two minutes.
VOJISLAV ŠEŠELj: It is very incorrect on your part that you explain my critical actions towards Tomislav Nikolić by my candidacy for the new President of the Republic. You take the legal measures you are obliged to take towards Tomislav Nikolić, and I will withdraw my candidacy for the President of the Republic. I don't care much about that, but I do care that here in this country the law and justice prevail, and that cannot happen until the President of the Republic is prosecuted.
You know, Mr. Vučić, that 10 years ago there was no dog to bite him for, and now he has enormous wealth. You are the witness of his sudden material rise, tycoon rise.
It was recently admitted that his wife Dragica's foundation had about 10 million euros in the account and spent that much. Not a single newspaper has received data on how much actually went through that account, and there is a well-founded suspicion that it is at least twice as much.
The whole of Serbia knows that he has a fake university degree. You won't pretend that you don't know that he has a fake diploma. You won't say, Mr. Vučić - he graduated in an honest way. Did he pass an exam? If you tell me that it is, I will resign from the post of deputy. Did he pass a single exam during his studies?
CHAIRPERSON: Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: First of all, about Mrs. Nikolić's foundation. It was mainly financed by donations from different companies, financed sometimes by our friends from outside, and that money was spent on maternity hospitals, it was spent on hospitals and many other things.
I'm not a treasurer and I can't show you every dinar, but if you have any doubts, tell us that it was spent differently. I've only seen many mothers, many children rejoice at what she did, even though it's the easiest to underestimate and criticize and it's the easiest topic, and I have nothing against it, so we'll have no problem checking every dinar where and how it went, and I'm sure that is, I am convinced that everything was done in a completely clean way.
As for the presidential elections, you, Mr. Seselj, will run just as I will not, and we both know that. So I know you as well as you know me. Mr. Seselj, you know, unlike others, I am every day, not that you happen to be in the leadership, every day I spent 15 years with Mr. Seselj and I know him well and I know when he is serious and when he is not. So the fact that he said that he will not run, hang the cat by the tail. He will also run for office.
As I said, I will not run. Thank you very much and happy work.
(Milan Lapčević: Reply.)
PRESIDENT: Mr. Lapčević, on what basis?
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Based on the mention of the parliamentary group in the current presentation.
THE PRESIDENT: He did not mention you.
Colleague Lapčević, the Government of Vojislav Koštunica was mentioned, who signed the SAA and who was arguing. This means that if a deputy or representative mentions the name of Boris Tadić, I don't know who will answer, SDS or DS. So, Mr. Koštunica is no longer the current president of the DSS, and please, you have no right to reply.
Would you like to follow the Rules of Procedure?
Here you go.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Article 104, paragraph 2 - if offensive expressions refer to a parliamentary group, that is, a political party whose people's deputies belong to that parliamentary group, the president of the parliamentary group or his deputy has the right to reply on behalf of the parliamentary group.
Please, there were offensive expressions and I have the right to reply.
PRESIDENT: Colleague Lapčević, I drew your attention to the fact that the DSS was not mentioned a single time in the mandate's presentation. You have not been called as a deputy, or in any other way. The government of Vojislav Koštunica was mentioned, but he is no longer a member of the DSS. So you have no basis for a reply.
(Milan Lapčević: What's the problem with getting a replica?)
MP Bojan Pajtić has the floor. Here you go.
BOJAN PAJTIĆ: Honorable Speaker, Honorable Ladies and Gentlemen, Members of Parliament, Honorable Mr. Candidate for Mandate of the Government of the Republic of Serbia, Candidates for Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen, Mr. Mandate has on several occasions very rudely insulted members of the opposition, showing that he does not understand the principle of division. authorities or, even worse, does not want to accept it. It does not accept the supremacy of parliament and it does not accept the fact that this is the highest legislative house in this country.
Deputies were offended by the fact that this session was scheduled only 24 hours earlier. They were also offended by the fact that the material for this session, the exposition in written form, arrived at the moment when the session was already starting. After the members of the opposition, having no other means, expressed their revolt and left the hall, the representative continued to insult, characterizing the members of the opposition as lazy, as people who came to take their daily wages and leave, as people who frolic, and he continued with a volley of insults. that he humiliates this House and all the citizens who voted for the members of the opposition.
The representative knows very well that daily wages have not existed in this home since 2009. The incumbent knows very well that in the ranks of the opposition MPs sit professors, lawyers, doctors, people who are proven in their professions and, unlike him, have a foundation in the profession and have a career beyond a political career.
Mr. Vučić, Paul said that all political careers end in failure. The deputies whom you insulted and characterized as lazy, when they finish their political career, at least they have a place to fall, unlike you. I wouldn't even comment on frolicking and other banal qualifications, but I will do so because that qualification is the result of a one-year dirty campaign against me personally, where Mr. Vučićević invented that I was in a hotel on Brioni, so I sued him and won in the first instance satisfaction for such a lie, and I will get it in the second degree.
Why is the three and a half month wait unacceptable for the formation of the Government? First, because that waiting causes damage to investors, because no investor will come to the country if he does not know who his interlocutor is, who will be the Minister of Economy with whom he will communicate. Farmers cannot plan anything in agriculture because they do not know what the agricultural policy will be. Scientific workers, whose tenders have been cancelled, and there are about 11 thousand of them, who applied for various government funds, are in complete uncertainty because the Government has not yet been constituted.
The argument that Kostunica waited for the last day to form the government is flawed. I don't want to be Vojislav Koštunica's lawyer, but that government was a coalition government and no list had an absolute majority, and those are simply not circumstances that can be compared to the circumstances in which you have an absolute majority and the possibility to form that government in a very short period of time.
However, when you have not already done so, since you waited so long, I expected that the qualification structure of that Government would be far superior to the qualification structure of the previous Government. It turned out that today in the government we have three less ministers with a PhD, one less minister with a master's degree, and it turned out that although you use klepticism on several occasions, and eklektikos is a Greek word that means choosing the best, you did not apply that principle when choosing candidates for ministers. and you do not apply that principle in your political life either, because you take a liberal position, especially when it comes to the economy.
You talked about inheriting the recession and recession of 2014. I have to remind you and the public that you were already in power in 2014 and that you have been in power for the fifth year, that the time in which you can appeal, in which it is appropriate and appropriate to appeal to the Government of Mirko Cvetković has passed as responsible for anything that is happening in Serbia today, because the Democratic Party was in power for five years, before that it was in opposition to Vojislav Kostunica, and for four of those years it was in power in coalition with the SPS, one year in coalition with DSS. You have been in power for the fifth year today and when you talk about the coup and the recession in 2014, you are talking about what you inherited from yourself.
You also mentioned election day. I think it is important to talk about it in this House, not when this point is in question and I don't think you should have mentioned on this topic the election day, but the big question is how many votes the "Bulgarian train" brought to the ruling coalition and how much the parliament in this convocation it has legitimacy at all. We thought about not participating in the work of the parliament, not giving legitimacy to election theft, but that in this society, with such fragile institutions, with the virtual absence of media freedom, would only mean the impossibility of the opposition being visible at all and an alibi for the media to they completely ignore the existence of the opposition.
I was touched by something you mentioned when you said you would concentrate on the lives of citizens. I think that is the task of the executive branch, however, your governments have failed in previous periods when it comes to this topic. The consumer basket in May 2012, just to remind you, cost 57.920 dinars. The consumer basket in May 2016 costs 67.117. dinars. So, it is almost 10 thousand dinars more. So much for the standard of citizens of Serbia. At the same time, the salaries and pensions of a large number of citizens were reduced, and in that sense their standard was dramatically reduced.
According to Eurostat, not according to opposition data or media theses, but according to the European Statistics Agency, the purchasing power in the countries of the region, when it comes to the European average, looks like this. In Croatia it is 59% of the European average, in Montenegro 39% of the European average, in Macedonia 36% of the European average, and in Serbia only 35% of the European average. Therefore, we are looking behind both Macedonia and Montenegro. I would like your theses to be correct, that we are catching up with the most developed European countries in terms of the level of development in terms of the speed of development, but unfortunately European institutions completely deny you.
When we talk about the lives of citizens, pork meat, which went up in price by 30% in July, and chicken meat, which went up in price by 25% in July, were mentioned. You talked about imports into the EU from China, that is, exports, sorry, to China. However, it would be simple if that were the only answer to this problem. Unfortunately, the pig fund has been reduced since 2011 by practically two million. From the 3,9 million pigs that were in this country in 2011, we have now reduced to only two million.
(Aleksandar Vučić: Three million and 850. Two million will be slaughtered, Mr. Pajtić.)
Two million, according to the data I have. These are the data I have. In any case, the policy towards the agrarian is completely wrong. Why is it wrong and why is the stock reduced? Why is there an increase in the price of pigs? Because it was only in January of this year, that is, only on January 1, that the Rulebook on preventing the import of low-quality meat into Serbia was adopted. Therefore, it was only reacted in January 2016. The door was wide open for the import of low-quality meat, which led to the fact that pig producers were completely discouraged and the situation in agriculture is as it is today.
The Serbian government is the only government that has not done anything to solve the problem of debt in Swiss francs. Montenegrins, Croats and Hungarians also did that. This was done by everyone in the region, only in our country neither conversion nor any other recipe is undertaken so that people who have borrowed in Swiss francs would be freed from debt slavery.
Salaries and pensions were reduced. While we can quibble about it and debate whether it was an opportune cut in wages, it is not "lege artis" to cut pensions. Therefore, it is not in accordance with the Constitution to reduce pensions, because pensions are property, an acquired right, something that you cannot take away. According to the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, if you endanger property, you must provide adequate compensation, and this was not done for pensioners. There is no negotiation with the Constitution, no interpretation of the Constitution, the Constitution is unambiguous. While we can argue about whether salaries should be reduced or not, in our opinion it should not be done, you must not reduce pensions. Even if you held a referendum among pensioners, if 100% of pensioners in this country said - we want you to reduce our pensions, the highest legislative act in this country does not allow you to do that. The highest legal act, the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, does not allow you to touch someone's property, someone's acquired right.
When we talk about the reduction of wages, the reference to the IMF is completely wrong. Talk to Ljilja Lučić and other people who negotiated with the IMF during the Zoran Đinđić government, since I see that you are allergic to the Mirko Cvetković government, they were never asked by the IMF to reduce their salaries. It was requested, and you are right, to reduce expenses and increase income. Therefore, to reduce the budget deficit, to increase the surplus, but not by fiscal consolidation being carried out at the expense of the citizens. This is not a request of the IMF, it is the determination of the Government. More than a billion euros were given in subsidies to companies that were not successful. 10, 15 and more euros are given to foreign investors for one job, while domestic investors are not supported, and the savings from the reduction of wages and pensions is only about 370 million euros. Therefore, there is where to save, and it is not pensioners, doctors, professors, nurses, soldiers, policemen who should start saving.
I remind you that in 2014 you promised the elimination of losses in public companies and the end of privatization, and yesterday you were proud of growth, although there was no privatization and these statements are contradictory, obviously the losses have not been eliminated, nor has the privatization been completed. In general, theses from your exposition from 2014 have simply not been fulfilled to the greatest extent, nor have they begun to be fulfilled.
When you talk about the decline of the public debt, that is, the need to reduce it, I completely agree with that. That is responsible thinking. However, you criticized the Government of Mirko Cvetković for increasing the public debt from 8,78 billion to 15,4 billion. What have you done in these four years? You increased that debt from 15,4 to 26,3 billion and brought it to about 74,5% of GDP, a little while ago you said that it was 72%, let it be 72% of GDP, Serbia is in debt today. At the same time, repeating the thesis that new loans are taken to replace the old unfavorable ones. It insults intelligence. If you take loans to replace old ones, then the debt does not increase, the interest rate changes, but the debt remains the same, and in that sense, that kind of excuse is not acceptable. So, don't criticize someone for what you do twice as much and twice as fast as anyone before you, you borrow 68 euros per second, and Serbia borrowed two million euros during your exposition.
As for foreign investments, the goal is three billion dollars, and that is a legitimate goal, and God grant that this goal will be realized. We are the opposition to the Government, we have never been, nor will we ever be, the opposition to Serbia, and we are rooting for your dream to come true. However, again, the data we have shows that foreign investments in the period from 2013 to 2015 were only 1,7 billion euros, and that in the period from 2008 to 2012 they were 2,2 billion euros. Therefore, the level of foreign investments is lower today than it was in previous periods. And that was not enough. Even 2,2 billion, let's be clear, was not enough, but it is obvious that we have also fallen when it comes to foreign investments.
To a certain extent, dual education can mean qualitative progress, but I mention to you the possibility and the need to establish an educational center, one of which exists in Novi Sad, it was founded in cooperation with the Austrian government, where those who graduated education requalifies and thousands of people find themselves in a situation of employment. With dual education, you will have another problem of the number of companies in which young people will be able to be employed, where that dual education will be partially realized. I hope it won't be like what we faced when we had so-called practice in high school where it really served no purpose.
I was surprised, I must admit, when I saw that a very small space was devoted to agriculture, so only two pages. You yourself mentioned in your presentation that around 10% of GDP was realized from agriculture. I think that space is not enough when it comes to the number of characters, nor when it comes to the ideas that we find on those two pages. The Law on Agricultural Land is bad. And you are right when you say that there was no alienation based on that law on agricultural land, but there was something very similar to the alienation of a long-term lease, where foreign investors leased agricultural land on many times more favorable terms, and at the same time from strong stories about how will invest tens and hundreds of millions of euros in agricultural development, absolutely nothing happened, that good example is Al Rawafed, that is, the land in Karađorđevo, Sivaček Atar, thousands of hectares that were leased in that way. When you put something into law for 30 years, it is almost equivalent to privatization, that is, sale.
The policy of subsidies has only led to the fact that today in Croatia you have ten times more subsidies than in Serbia. Agriculture is a low-accumulative branch and we cannot allow subsidies per hectare in Serbia to be 4.000 dinars, and in Croatia 350 euros, so 40.000 dinars. Our farmer cannot be competitive under those circumstances and that is a big mistake. In general, the policy in agriculture was conducted in an extremely bad way. An example is, for example, the fact that you have 32-38 million euros in the IPARD funds, according to your words from the exposition from 2014, which are intended for farmers. It is true, IPARD is intended for the purchase of equipment and for the purchase of machinery, for the improvement of the position of farmers, but your administration was not able to use that, nor was it a gift to receive.
So, back in 2012, you had the Administration for Agrarian Payments in Šabac, certified, with people who were employed, who had the appropriate certificates, with software. The Directorate for Agrarian Payments was relocated and Serbia was completely prevented from receiving almost 40 million euros annually for farmers.
You promised in 2014 the restructuring of large systems such as EPS, "Srbijagas", Railways, none of that happened. In 2014, you promised professionalization in the management of public enterprises, and we have acting in "Roads of Serbia", "Srbijašume", the airport, ski resorts, "Transnafta", "Emissiona tekhnika i vezema", Lottery, "Resavica", "Nuclear facilities", "Official Gazette", "Jugoimport", Agency for Licensing Bankruptcy Trustees, etc. So we never had a more temporary state.
Since professionalization, we have come to the point where the director of EPS is someone who had experience as the owner of a bakery, in RTB "Bor" still Mr. Spaskovski, in "Srbijagas" Mr. Bajatović, in "Zelezara Smederevo", which is not a public company , but it has a state share, we have heard promises that by the end of 2015 the losses will be covered, that a second blast furnace will be started, that a profit will be realized from all that. Of all those high professionals who were brought from abroad, we have a scandal where Mr. Kamaras employed his relatives in management, where there was a loss of 144 million, 39% more than a year before, where fictitious contracts were concluded, where "Hestil" bought property the Smederevo ironworks, and all those debts that remained from those great solutions of yours have been transferred to the shoulders of the taxpayers of Serbia.
You also talk about the fight against corruption in this exposé. We support the fight against corruption, but there is one problem, you have a series of secret contracts concluded in Serbia, from the Smederevo ironworks, which I mentioned, "Belgrade on the water", where when the contract is announced, the annexes are not announced, "Air Serbia", land which was given to the Arabs and is always the alibi "Fiat". I suggest you publish the "Fiat" contracts first, then all the other contracts. Don't let one contract be an alibi, let secret contracts be your manner of behavior, because secret contracts are usually used to cover up something, something that is popular or something that is not useful for the state.
You are talking about the fight against corruption. Savamala is mentioned here in the context of mockery. They are talking about three barracks. They are talking about how it is a minor incident. That is not true. The incident with Savamala is an incident that deeply destroyed the foundations of the rule of law and completely suspended the rule of law. Why do you minimize Savamala? Because it is very hard to believe that something like that could have happened without your knowledge and without your will.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. I thank you.
The mandate holder asks for the floor.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, it seems that there is a problem today, so everyone thinks when they shout and speak as fast as possible that they are strengthening their arguments. Now you will see that every word he uttered is, I would not like to say it, but in any case a notorious falsehood, but every word he uttered.
(Aleksandar Martinović: He appointed a woman as director, and now he's talking about nepotism.)
The fact that he appointed a woman as a director is another matter and we will not talk about it now. We will do that at the provincial level and to talk about everything that happened. Now we will talk about what happened in the state.
I know very well the principles of the separation of powers, which you do not know, Mr. Pajtić, and you have never met them. You never even wanted to meet them. I don't know where you found the fifth year of government, since it hasn't even expired yet, but now, what do you care, I guess you gain something psychologically by saying that something is bad. I am not proud of every year because for every day I spent in power I did not steal a single dinar, I did not damage my country in any way, but I fought for it day and night and worked for it to the best of my ability, whether you liked it or not no. But that is far from the 16 years of your rule, a completely sovereign sixteen-year rule in which you left a wasteland both in Zrenjanin, which we talked about, and in Novi Sad, where you did not bring a single factory, you did not bring a single factory in 16 years, neither in Sombor, not even in Pancevo. Why didn't you, Mr. Pajtić, solve the problem of Azotara, that you didn't solve the problem of "Petrohemija", that you didn't solve the problem of MSK?
You solved it by closing the factory, by leaving us with a debt of 216 million euros. In this second factory of 186 million euros, that's how you solved it. Where did you leave that good thing for us? In Heterland, where you spent a million euros from handicapped children and left us this. This is the result of your work, Mr. Pajtić. That is the result of one million euros of citizens of Serbia for what was spent and what was spent on this. One million euros for the citizens of Vojvodina. Look at this ruin, where handicapped children were supposed to be housed, and give us moral lessons here.
You are talking, you attacked a journalist here, you say he made up a hotel on Brioni for you, and maybe he made up a hotel for you, maybe not six or seven stars but five or six stars, he just didn't make up that you were on Brioni during the storm, so you covered it up with the story that you were in a hotel on Brioni, when I had to defend the journalists, since I guess you didn't know that there was a storm 20 years ago and that it was going to be the biggest celebration of the storm, so you went there to celebrate. Well, now it bothers you whether you were in a six-star hotel or a five-star hotel, I don't care, you could have gone to a nine-star hotel. I don't know if there is one. I don't see any difference, I just don't understand what you sued him for, that he got the number of stars wrong in the hotel you stayed at? Is it because of that? God bless you.
That's how you would manage the press and the media, sue everyone and destroy everyone if you can, and you talk about freedom of the press. You, in whose time no one could appear anywhere, you who broadcast the dirtiest videos. You who ran the dirtiest campaign every day against all of us, where no one could say anything in any way.
You say, since you used professional terms, it probably sounds nicer, so you came from ochlocracy, mob rule and mass rule when you burned down this Assembly, to kakistocracy, for those who don't know it's the rule of the worst.
You have one problem with me, when you want to talk professionally I will be more successful than you, when you want to threaten I will never be afraid of you, never. All of you together, as many of you as there are, and I will answer each of you here. Today I am obliged to answer you all. No matter how many of you there are, I have to answer to everyone and I don't have any problem like in the simulcast. and for the Province of Vojvodina in the previous 16 years.
You say that the Constitution is unambiguous, so I guess the Constitutional Court interprets the Constitution and is competent for that, not Bojan Pajtić, or do you teach students at the Faculty of Law in Novi Sad that you are competent to interpret the Constitution, and not the Constitutional Court? And, the Constitutional Court said something different than you. The Constitutional Court says - yes, pension is a guaranteed right, but not the amount. And we wouldn't have pensions if we just continued to pay what you left us, because you destroyed the country.
You tell me - it was in 2014. Well, I already did. In 2013, we had a growth of 2,6% in contrast to your growth of minus 3,6%. You just forgot to tell the citizens that. You are talking about agriculture here. You made it all up. I won't say a harsher word. You made it all up. We have an increased number of pigs. We have an increased number of pigs by 3%, by 3%. Here, you will get precise and accurate data because you are taking and mixing numbers from the slaughterhouse...
(Bojan Pajtić: Meat has become more expensive.)
What has become more expensive? Well, don't throw it at me when I'm begging you, now you're going to hear what has gone up in price. Well, it's good that you told me. Now, citizens of Serbia, let's hear why the price has gone up.
You have one municipality in Serbia. One small municipality in Serbia whose total annual budget is 950.000.000 dinars, even better one billion. Imagine, and they left obligations in the amount of four billion dinars due to the blockade of all municipal institutions. The transfers were made through the football club, you won't believe it, this is a unique case in the world. The football club was transformed into a public utility company. Have you heard about the public utility company football club? Now you will also see the papers.
There is a debt of over two years left for salaries in the local waterworks, people went on strike the other day, they don't know what they will do, there is a debt left, two years of salaries have not been paid, what are you going to do, but it's not much. Look, there are also local communities. Everyone has their own accounts and look, I'm reading you straight from the paper, you can't make this up. Take a look to see what the level of blockages are.
The local community of Azanja, one million and 596 thousand, the Municipal Council of Vodice, two million and 800, that is the amount of the blockade, these are not all obligations. Vodice, two million and 842 thousand, Municipalities of Kusada, 13 million and 503, people, Selevac, one million and 532 thousand, Golobok, four million 147, Mala Plana, one million 627, Pridvorice, one million 182, Colonia, two million 56, Stara Čaršija , a million and 13 and it all goes like that.
That's for you on July 27, 2016, those who are blocked. Primary school one, two million 375 thousand, primary school "Vuk Karadžić", seven million 928 and now everything in that order. Public company "Palanka development", 87 million 998 thousand, public company "Palanka", 17 million 346 thousand, "Chika Jova Zmaj", 40 million 474 thousand, Oto, five million 681 thousand, sport 709 thousand. Health center 11 million 591, public utility company "Vodovod" 286 million 971 thousand, JKP "Mikulja" 60 million 537 thousand and look, that's nothing. Ladies and gentlemen, these are copies of pub bills paid by the municipal assembly. And, then you wonder why there was no money for one, two or three things. And, in those tavern bills, he paid, let's see, I don't understand beer, it was "Tuborg" beer 135 pieces, "Heineken" beer 143 pieces. So, what is the delegation that you take to the same pub and drink 250 beers? Beer "Lov" 65 pieces, 139 thousand 850. By the way, you have it, let me show you, you have the difference between the accounts where you can see that someone, that it was fictitiously done, they didn't really drink that much beer, but three thousand here, and the rest to him in pocket. Well, that's how it worked. But, I think that what you have seen yourself, around public companies, tells the people enough about how it is managed.
And, look at how it looks in election campaigns and how Bojan Pajtić took care of citizens' money. He says he distributes to non-governmental organizations for public works. And finally, I will finish with what his comment was, which is the ultimate cynicism. He says that the student organization Debeljača, representative Zolatn Caki, a member of the DS, was a candidate for the DS in the elections. Center for Women's Support, Marija Srdić, prominent member of DS, member of department board, one million and fifty thousand. This first 350 thousand, this million fifty thousand. Ecological movement of the municipality, DS candidate for councilor, also some non-governmental organization 229 thousand. Then, the Civic Network for Sustainable Development, a member of DS, donated 30 to DS earlier, and now received 704, to be returned with interest. Then, DMO, member of DS, Damir Taljaji, donated 45 thousand to DS, now with interest he received two million and 400 thousand of your money, people's money. Romano Anglunipe, Pećinci, Ivan Jovanović, member of DS, was a candidate for councilor, one million and 80 thousand. Suncokret Pećinci, member of the DS, former head, former head of social activities in the Pećinci municipality assembly, Dragica Petković, 733 thousand. Center for the Development of the Municipality of Plandište, one million 250 thousand, to the Councilor of SO Plandište. When you see that it is under a million, he did something wrong. Youth Club of the Municipality of Ruma, million 373, candidate for MP, Lazar Tabandželić.
Somborska writes DS to all Marijeta Stanfer, member of DS, president of youth of DS, Sombor, 1.300.000. There is one member of LSV, Edita Beneti Racić, she is only 310.000, I apologize. It has the Women's Association "Gakovčanka" 1.400.000, Katica Jokić, member of the Council of the MZ Gakovo, in front of the DS.
There is more, it is important that people hear this, listen there is also the Federation of Youth Non-Governmental Organizations for the Development of Rural Areas. They received, people, six million dinars, 50.000 euros were paid to them recently. For what? For nothing. It was paid only because they are members of the Democratic Party.
By the way, the money was received by Dijana Salak, the sister of the former deputy of the DS Igor Salak and the president of the OO DS Žitišta. Creative Social Movement, Svetlana Arambašić, member of DS - 1.100.000; and there is also some Infocenter Žitište - 1.300.000, Bojan Marcheta, also DS.
Well, that's how you distributed people's money. That's how you distributed people's money and you find it funny and you're dying of laughter. It's sad for Mr. Pajtic, and I know it's funny for you, only a man who finds it funny can do that. Only to a man who finds it funny, it is not disputed.
Well, you see, when you talk about the public debt, I will repeat it to you - the public debt is reduced, by reducing the deficit, it grew in a geometric progression to cover the deficit, all that you left us. It was not 15,4, but 19,2, because on the same day Dinkić had to take money from the Government in order to pay salaries and pensions that did not exist, because liquidity was at zero, cash flow non-existent, which you should know as a provincial prime minister, but it seems you haven't learned that in 16 years.
What do you care, you just spent the money, you never even cared about where you were going to get it, you are right. That's why you don't need to know. That's why you can say such things.
Well, we managed to lower the deficit and you should respect that. You should have congratulated me on that. You should have said - yes, you have made something that is good. You can't say you've made something that's good because in 16 years you can't remember anything good you could have made. Well, that's your problem.
Your problem is that you think that as you have demolished some before from Kostunica to many others, that when you start shouting and when you campaign through your media and through who knows who and some from some other sectors, they usually get scared. Your problem is that I'm not impressed at all. I'm not at all impressed by that kind of campaign, or that kind of pressure, or that kind of, if you will, every day from media threats to the harshest possible words, attacks on whoever you get, what you get, I don't care at all.
You do your job, I will do my job, don't worry, I have prepared everything for the second replica to read what you did through "Metalas Bank", Development Bank, Development Fund and how you thoroughly participated not in development, but in looting AP Vojvodina.
(Vladimir Đukanović: Rules of Procedure.)
(Bojan Pajtić: Reply.)
(Radoslav Milojičić: Rules of Procedure.)
PRESIDENT: Vladimir Đukanović, violation of the Rules of Procedure, Milojičić, violation of the Rules of Procedure and Bojan Pajtić, reply. Here you go.
VLADIMIR ĐUKANOVIC: Thank you.
Of course, I am complaining about the violation of Article 107 related to the dignity of the parliament. Maybe you didn't notice, you were away, but Mr. Arsić was there, maybe the Prime Minister didn't notice either, someone here accused us of being an illegitimate Parliament, that it was created on the basis of some kind of Bulgarian train.
It is a terrible insult to this House. Maybe it's a car projection, because that's how they collected votes in Vojvodina. I do not allow anyone to insult me in such a way, especially not the one who secured his majority with votes from Bodrum.
I ask you to act in the future. If they don't like it, if this is an illegitimate Assembly, why are you sitting here, go outside and don't break into the RIK like bandits when the ambassadors are organizing you, but try to get a mandate in a legal way.
As for the Bulgarian train, I know that you have been doing it around Vojvodina, that you have been buying voters all your life, and I am asking you, honorable president, to react in the future when someone insults the parliament like this. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Well, you noticed, it wasn't me, my colleague led the session, but everything to be in the spirit of democracy, we often don't react, but rather I would say that, as you described it, it is an insult to national minorities, plus to the parliament because I I don't know what it means Bulgarian train or something like that.
But well, if you don't want to vote, you've already helped me.
This is Radoslav Milojičić, also a violation of the Rules of Procedure.
RADOSLAV MILOJIČIĆ: Thank you.
I advertise Article 106 because this is not a session of the Smederevska Palanka SO. I am glad that the prime minister pays so much attention to Smederevo Palanka, I am very glad. I am sorry that he never came to Smederevska Palanka.
Just for the sake of truth, the local community of Vodice is blocked for works via PZP Požarevac for the road that was built in 2006.
Honorable President, I was 2006 years old in 22, I had nothing to do with the local self-government.
You said yesterday that the municipality is responsible for 500 years in advance, that means 500 billion, and our budget is one billion on an annual level, that means 500 billion, which is untrue.
I delivered in 2012 with coalition partners...
PRESIDENT: Why didn't you ask for a reply, please?
(Aleksandar Vučić: Go ahead.)
I'll count this as a retort, go ahead.
RADOSLAV MILOJIČIĆ: You can take the time, please...
PRESIDENT: Okay, you'll get five seconds more, but I'll count this as a reply, let's play the Rules of Procedure.
RADOSLAV MILOJIČIĆ: Thank you.
When I was elected president of the municipality with my coalition partner, I have a memo in my bag to all the councilors, I gave all the councilors then and your councilors a memo where the municipality was in debt of two and a half billion.
Now the debt is two billion, we have returned 500 million, we were not in "RIN" for a single day, not a single day because you immediately blocked us. As for the city football club, it was founded long before 2012, and I have been the president since 2012, and it is not a public company, but a public institution.
After all, you can tell us how you got an apartment from the state in 1999, while bombs were falling on us, while you led us into the war...
PRESIDENT: Please let us hear what the deputy has to say.
RADOSLAV MILOJIČIĆ: Thank you. I will answer you later about the beer, since I don't drink and I am an athlete, but the municipality has the right to help events. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
I consider this as a replica and a replica of Aleksandar Vučić.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: I am happy and I really have nothing more to add. I have here, they also brought me 145 thousand euros from the Army, Serbia paid the first of 2011 installments in 60 and then gave it to Mišković and you didn't pay a single installment for Maxi, it doesn't matter, little things.
But let me tell you something, thank you for everything you said and just don't ask for a replica anymore, better for you. Thank you very much.
(Bojan Pajtić: Reply.)
PRESIDENT: Violation of the Rules of Procedure Bojan Torbica, so you reply.
BOJAN TORBICA: Dear fellow MPs, I am reporting a violation of Article 106 and Article 107.
Because Mr. Pajtić did not stick to the agenda, and he insulted us all under number one, including me and all colleagues, calling us here by various names and the ways in which we came.
I would only like the public to know, for everyone to know, and Mr. Pajtic knows very well what happened on March 15, 2016, when the Government, headed by him at that moment in Vajska, for the non-existent Roma inclusion office, which was never registered delivered 350 food packages, which were used to buy votes in Vajska, delivered to the non-existent office for Roma inclusion, and to the address of Zoran Petrović, a candidate for DS councilor in SO Bač.
The Socialist Movement submitted the material to all the media a day later, and I hope that the new Minister of the Interior will react according to this in the future. Then, two more times within a month and a half, an amount of close to a thousand food packages was delivered to the municipality of Bač, to non-existent organizations, which means that when the delivery note says that the recipient is the Roma Inclusion Office in Vajska, and the receipt stamp says, stamp association of Romani women of Bača, is it a clean and legal legal procedure? It is not, just as there was nothing that Bojan Pajtić did for 16 years in Vojvodina. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: Are we voting for the violation of the Rules of Procedure, committed by me or Veroljub Arsić?
(Bojan Torbica: No need, thank you.)
The floor is Bojan Pajtić. Here you go.
BOJAN PAJTIĆ: Thank you, Honorable President.
Mr. Mandator expressed a lot of untruths and insults against me and showed ignorance not only of the division of power, but also of the competences of the Republic and the Province. Azotara and MSK are not the jurisdiction of the Province, but will have to be resolved by the Republic in the future. He showed ignorance of the functioning of the executive power system.
Namely, the prime minister does not decide which non-governmental organizations will receive funds in the contest of some individual institution of the Province, and he showed an enviable knowledge of DS members, so even I did not know how many DS members he knew personally.
What is brutally untrue and insulting is that I appointed a woman as director. I have never appointed a woman, nor has my wife ever been a director, but that is why we will vote on the fact that the director of the gymnasium where Mr. Vučić's son went to become the Minister of Education. My wife was not a director, but that's why Mrs. Kori Udovicki will no longer be a minister, because she did not defend the godfather of Mr. Vucic, but Mrs. Ana Brnabić will be, who also defended the godfather of Aleksandar Vučić in the racketeering affair of foreign investors..
Regarding the 16 years of rule, gentlemen, look at the calendar, get informed, it is not true that I was in office for 16 years in the executive branch.
As for "Heterland", for that "Heterland" you arrested Mr. Vrebalov, and now you are in a coalition with councilors of the Citizens' Group of Milivoje, Misha Vrebalov. So much for your consistency, the fight for children with handicapped needs, the fight for the rule of law, and your fairness and fight against corruption.
Don't say anything. The number of pending cases increased by 10%, and 1.154 requests for compensation due to unjustified detention were submitted in the period from January 1, 2015 to March 31, 2016, i.e. 15 months. So much for your fight against corruption and consistency and fight against crime. Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT: Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUČIĆ: Dear Mr. Pajtić, I have nothing against it, if I were not who I am I would have done something else for the fact that you attacked my child, and Bojan Pajtić attacked my child, if you want to hear why. He attacked my child, he mentioned my son a while ago. Do you know why he attacked him? Because he went to school where I don't know what Mr. Šarcevic is. I had never seen Mr. Šarčević before that. My son was a very good student, not even an excellent one so you can say that I paid for something or that I needed it.
You attacked a child who went to school decently, graduated decently without a single failing grade. You are not ashamed or embarrassed. You are dangerous people, exactly as Dučić said, only for some where he may have been wrong. You are dangerous people only because you don't have any shame, you don't have any shame or face.
You tell us - no, the football club is not a public company, but a public institution. We used up that beer as it was. I didn't drink, others did. Football players bathed in beer.
You say you didn't know how much money they got. You knew, Mr. Pajtić, that you appointed everyone personally. You gave campaign money to members of the DS. Do not mislead the public. You thought I was going to run away from your stories. About racketeering and fabricated conversations, when you are invited to the polygraph, you must not appear. Run away, I'll run away from you, I'll run away everywhere, because you know you've never said anything true in your life. Is that it? Well, my child is your fault. Shame on you. And you tell me about it in such a way.
(Bojan Pajtić: How do you talk?)
How am I talking about telling you that shame on you, you who insult my child. How are you not ashamed?
(Bojan Pajtić: Shame on you!)
You who set up all the criminals possible, from "Metals Bank", not to mention everything else. Now we will read it to the people, so that people can see it. There is no need, no need at all, that you are appointing people from your family to directorships, because my son is not a principal and will not be a principal, just a very good student and nothing more. So, since you do that, and when you talk about "Heterland", you gave Vojvodina money, Serbian money, people's money, you gave our money, which you destroyed, and those people answer. It's our money. You spent a million euros of our money to provide a ruin for handicapped children. That's why you mentioned my son. That's why my child bothers you, since you don't know what else to use as an argument, then you - oh, imagine, he told me shame on you, imagine. Well, that's the bare minimum. You deserve much, much harsher words, much worse words would be appropriate for what you did just now. Shame on you.
Well, what did Bojan Pajtić do? So that people in Serbia would hear and know what really happened. Therefore, during the reconstruction and adaptation of the building for the needs of accommodation and residence of children hindered in the development of the municipalities of Novi Bečej and the castle "Heterland" in Bočar, they falsely represented the scope and amount of work performed on the building, spent the money paid for the construction of the building to pay off their earlier debts and their own needs, all to the detriment of the AP Vojvodina Capital Investment Fund, which in fact was the main thief company of DS, along with "Razvojna Banka Vojvodina", which is foreign to them. awarded money.
The problem is that this money is ours, that this money is the money of the citizens of Serbia. They obtained illegal property benefits, and later you will see where those same companies did everything, in the commercial company "Gardi" in the amount of 61.722.724 dinars, exactly at the exchange rate of 541.427 euros. So, 550.000 euros, so that people understand correctly, while the damage to the municipality of Novi Bečej is around one million euros, considering that the building whose value is 112.075.373 dinars has not yet been built. Then they started saying that it was our fault that it wasn't built, that any of us had anything to do with all of this. They thought that they would tell as many falsehoods as possible, such as the one a little while ago, in which, you will notice, Mr. Pajtić tried to sell us a trick. It was very cleverly executed. I sued Vučićević over the hotel in Brioni. So, it was just a matter of stars, and he was in Brioni and celebrated the XNUMXth anniversary of "Storm" in Brioni, but he thought that no one would notice that, that kind of untruth and that kind of fraud.
You should also be ashamed of yourself for insulting Ana Brnabić. You insult Ana Brnabić because you could not have such an expert, because you had, as I said, the rule of the worst, those who were guided only by their own, only personal interests and nothing more. That's exactly why you couldn't get Ana Brnabić, because Ana Brnabić didn't ask us to issue her a "ppa" and feed in tariffs to earn five times more in a year, as some others asked. And I kept quiet about it, I let the competent authorities do all their work, and you ran away like a fly without your head, and you don't like Stefanović's polygraph. What would you be like? What would you be like if you didn't take the police polygraph of the State of Serbia? Do you want another country to be in charge here? Do you want someone else? You do not trust your institutions as the President of the Provincial Government at that time. Which country do you trust, which institutions? You don't trust anyone, because you know that you told lies, as you always tell lies, because you know that now all citizens see that your policy has failed, because you know. And you did all that to get a fierce response, so that you could say tomorrow when it is completely clear what kind of criminal activities you all took part in, to say - it's political persecution. In numerous criminal activities, you, yes, and when it is seen and when it comes to light in the coming days and weeks, then you will say - hey, people, this is political persecution, this is a terrible thing.
That is why it was necessary to come to the National Assembly today and tell people the most terrible things so that whatever happens after that, they can say that it is political persecution. Let me tell you something, I am not at all impressed or fascinated by your pressures and your tricks that everything is political persecution. If you participated in something, you will be held accountable. If you are not, you will not be eligible. I am not the competent authority. I said what is your intention. I saw your guilty conscience, Mr. Pajtić, just as I saw these dirty tricks you perform around the hotel in Brioni, etc. They sold those tricks to us when we were six years old, which you are trying to sell to the Serbian public. he says - Vučić is not right, the football club is not a public utility company, but a public institution. The higher public prosecutor's office has taken all measures for Heterland and they are doing their job.
Claims for damages that Mr. Pajtić talks about, because everything he says is not telling the truth, let me be nice and relaxed. All the claims for damages due to unjustified deprivation of liberty that he is talking about, which were submitted by persons, because they were arrested during your rule, held in custody during the period he stated, those persons were legally released. These are all those people from "Sablja" and other actions that you arrested completely illegally, and today they are asking us for money for the state of Serbia to give them. Absolutely everyone, and that's the information we've got now and it's completely accurate and you'll get everything in the subject.
Is it possible for you to miss everything you say? Come on, at least tell the truth tonight. Come on, at least one. Why don't you tell the people that you agreed with that company to take money for your party regarding those wind farms, so that we can explain to the people what it is all about?
Don't swear anything at me, don't threaten me. Don't curse. I saw you cursing...
(President: The cameras are recording the deputies and you can see what is being said on the video.)
Cameras are recording you. Just swear, it's no problem.
You wanted to take money, and now I'm going to explain to the people how that principle works. Why don't we have many more of those windmills, as you can see, because I don't let them rob the people. I didn't let them rob the people all this time. Now you will hear how and why the common people can understand, the common man can understand why. We will have to have those wind farms in the future, because the price of electricity here is very low, so that ordinary people understand. What do they want from us? The so-called fidin tariffs. They ask us to admit to them that whatever they produce, our state will pay them twice the market price. They ask that they invest in the wind farm, and as soon as we give them consent, they have a contract for the wind farm, they go to the bank, get money, after four or five years they withdraw the investment, and they withdraw money from us for the next 70 years, twice as much as that how much we pay for electricity obtained from coal or even hydroelectric power plants, which is also more expensive than the one we get from thermal power plants. So, twice as expensive.
I looked to stop it. I calculate that the more we stop it, so that when the price of electricity increases in four, five, six years, at that moment we will have to meet those European standards due to green energy, but to protect the state from paying that money.
Look who insisted on it. Whoever I know insisted on it, I know that he wanted to steal money, because that is the only point of the whole business. We don't gain anything from it, except that we have to pay, instead of five, nine euro cents per kilowatt hour, nine point two euro cents per kilowatt hour. So, today your price on the market is a little less than five euro cents. We would be obliged to them to oblige by contract to pay 9,2 euro cents, and you people, citizens of Serbia and respected MPs, decide who was the thief here?
THE PRESIDENT: I just want to see something with the general secretary.
Good. I have one request. So, almost everything is allowed in the parliament today within some limits of decency. My request is, you can criticize, of course, the program and the presentation of the mandate. You can criticize, talk about the personalities of the ministers, why you are against it and what you have to complain about.
Please, let's not go beyond the bounds of decency, beyond the bounds of something that no one can bear, which is mentioning children in a negative context. It is something extremely ugly.
We have established the Committee for the Rights of the Child here. We like to sit in it, to fulfill some European and world criteria, make some declarations, and then when we want to stick a knife in someone's heart - we mention children. That is really not correct, and I am asking you to return to the discussion, to talk about politics, to talk about the representative if necessary, aside from the children and him, what do we have to say personally, whether we like it or not, and the exposition and the people who were proposed to be his team.
In this sense, I give the floor to the authorized representatives and heads of parliamentary groups. They are Ivica Dačić, then we have Saša Radulović, if you are contacting us about the exposition.
Deputy Radulović, I did not tell you to point your hand at other deputies, or to have a doppelgänger. I asked you, as the chairman, if you called to discuss the exposition. If not, don't suggest it to me. They are all adults here, so they don't even need lawyers.
(Radoslav Milojičić: The right to a replica.)
I did not give you my word. I asked MP Radulović what his intention was.
Here you go. If you want us to cooperate, you will, if you don't, you won't, my God, 250 MPs... There are those who want to discuss, there are those who don't want anything.
Ivica Dačić, please.
So I'm deleting you, Mr. Radulović. I'm deleting you.
If you want to apply, please be kind.
Because I asked you and you won't...
(Saša Radulović: I told you three times that I answered. Watch the camera.)
I said verbal violence is worse than physical violence once.
Here you go. Dear MP Dacic, please stand up for your word. I'm weak, I'm a woman, so I don't have enough strength for that.
(Bojan Pajtić: Rules of Procedure.)
IVICA DAČIĆ: Ladies and Gentlemen, Members of Parliament, Honorable President of the National Assembly, Prime Minister and Mandate for the composition of the new Government, at the beginning, since I am still the head of the parliamentary group of the Socialist Party of Serbia, of course the Socialist Party of Serbia will vote for the election of the new Government, but this is nothing new, I spoke about it a few months ago and after the elections.
I believe that the results achieved in our cooperation in the past years, and that cooperation has been going on since 2012, have greatly influenced the improvement of the image of the national position of Serbia, but also that Serbia today, in 2016, is certainly not the same as it was in 2012. .
I would not talk now about the details and particulars of what the representative spoke about in the exposition, but I can say with pleasure that in the last four years there have been financial consolidations, i.e. consolidation of public finances, but also very important moves in the internal political but also on the regional level, on the foreign policy level, and since I am one of those who have been here in the parliament for many years, I think that the position of Serbia today is incomparable compared to the time a few years ago.
Certainly, many results have been achieved and I think that what can be expected in the coming years is that by 2020, when the mandate of this Government is full, we will have the possibility to complete the technical negotiations on Serbia's membership in the EU, but also of course to achieve a very significant results in terms of reforms and development of Serbia.
I would like to comment on a few issues that have been raised here. First, I saw yesterday that some MPs and some MP groups left the session due to the alleged failure to comply with the rule of thumb regarding the seven days required by the rule to schedule a session. I would like to remind you that, unless this is an event of historical importance and all attention is focused on the dialogue with Mr. Radulović, I wanted to tell him and everyone else, I will wait for him to return.
Since Bojan Pajtić spoke yesterday about the fact that seven days are necessary before holding the session, I remember that in 2008, when the DS - SPS - JS - PUPS government was formed on Friday, July 4, a session was scheduled for Monday, July 7, where is there seven days?
I also nominated Mr. Radulović for minister last time. I certainly didn't propose it seven days earlier. That's why all the stories about it, I understand that time erases everything and that it is forgotten, but still there are those here who remember it. Find a more serious argument.
I am disappointed with the level of criticism towards the ruling coalition and our party and the president. If these are the biggest problems and the biggest criticisms you come up with, he thinks it's a shame for the opposition in Serbia. What kind of criticisms are there, whether it was seven days or two days, whether the exposé was shared or not, when you shared it while you had the mandate.
(Radoslav Milojčić: With you.)
Not only with us, you had... Do you think I'm ashamed of being in power for so long? I guess someone is fighting to be in power. I don't understand why you are fighting. With this policy of yours, that will remain a distant dream. Don't use that as an argument, I want to ask if there are different policies here? Here Seselj came out with things that are political. On the other hand, Čedomir Jovanović also said things that are political. I am not running away and I think that this is a topic on which our ruling coalition, our alliance, the list led by Aleksandar Vučić and this list of ours and the Hungarians and all the others who make up the coalition are dominant on these difficult political issues. What are the difficult political issues?
Here it is mentioned whether we will have a liberal concept in the economy, whether we will have a concept of the social state, welfare or whether we will have state interventionism, etc. You can call it whatever you want, in the conditions of the economic crisis that gripped the whole world, it was not possible to get out of the crisis without the state.
In "Newsweek" there was a headline saying "We're all a bit socialist now", why? Because the state also in Austria, Germany, Belgium, I don't know where, took measures to save banks, to buy banks, to save companies. These are not market measures, gentlemen. Market measures led to this economic chaos and to such crises.
The mandate holder is right when he says that there is no single model in the world today, there is a mixture of different models and the creation of different answers. No one has the best answer yet. What is the answer of social democracy, what is the answer of populist coalitions, what is the answer of communists? There are no real answers to the economic crisis and the crisis in general.
We had neoliberalism in Serbia after 2000, this is how far it has led. It led to predatory privatization, it led to a system that... Practically, we are now talking about the SAA, I will remind you that the SAA was adopted at the session of the Government of Serbia led by Koštunica and Tadić. It was adopted at the Government session because Koštunica came out under that item on the agenda and the DS was presiding. Those are cheap fashions. It's like if Aleksandar Vucic left now and left me to preside.
The Government of DSS and DS adopted the SSP and sent it to the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia. Now let's not say it's not true. It is correct.
Another thing, without any decision of the Government, without the SAA, immediately after October 5, the first thing you did, apart from entering the NBS and other companies, Customs, etc. with phantoms and other things, what was done first, was to abolish customs duties for agricultural products for goods from abroad. Nobody forced us to do that. Just as we canceled visas for everyone in the world, no one forced us to do that. That investment policy is absolutely wrong and absolutely failing. That's why I believe that the state is today the biggest employer, the biggest investor, the biggest consumer, and it must play a role in getting out of the crisis.
The Socialist Party of Serbia supported consolidation measures. We believe that the key thing in the future is development, that is, growth. Without development, without GDP growth, Serbia cannot move forward, and this is exactly the goal we should all strive for in the coming period.
When it comes to European values, since I see that everyone is expressing their fear that the preamble of the Constitution could possibly be changed, you will not blame me if I talk more about political topics. The Prime Minister talked more about the economic, I have to talk about these topics because I think that this is also an essential matter that should be the topic of conversation here as well.
You are talking about removing the preamble, and I am asking you what about Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, which states that the Republic of Serbia is, among other things, a state that is based on belonging to European principles and values. Why did you, as such an anti-European from the DSS, write that into the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia? What are European principles and values, and you are now against joining the EU? Then why did you give us such a Constitution?
(Milan Lapčević: It's not the same.)
Please? European principles and values are not the same, so what? Isn't it possible that European principles and values are established by Albania or Turkey? I guess it is determined by the EU, Don't be ridiculous, they mean the EU.
After all, when you wrote the Rules of Procedure and everything else, you talked about the adoption of everything that is important for the harmonization of the legislation with the EU legislation by an abbreviated procedure. Therefore, these are empty stories.
Whether we should go to the EU or not, whether we should turn to Russia and not the EU, I think that these are the paths that are all set in this way, causing great harm to all of us. These questions must...
Shormaz, I'm asking you to...Mr. Shormaz, I'm just asking you to listen to me. I really didn't interrupt anyone. I have been waiting for my turn here as the head of the second largest parliamentary group and I ask you to listen to me.
I don't think I'm saying anything bad. I am speaking both for your benefit and for mine, because it is our policy that we conduct together, and that is all in the interest of Serbia.
In any case, I think that the sentence that Čedomir Jovanović uttered today is deeply wrong, and that is that we are paying the price of the wrong policy that we led. I know what policy he is referring to. He is referring to the policy that was carried out in the 90s regarding the protection of our national and state interests. So I will remind him that Victoria Yanuan, Assistant Secretary of State America recently stated that the USA has been investing in the independence of the Republic of Kosovo for 20 years. That was in 1996. All the time, the political parties that are inclined to this kind of political option said that Slobodan Milošević's politics were to blame for everything. After all, you could hear from his mouth, regardless of the fact that I respect him, that the Republika Srpska is a genocidal creation. These are things that cause deep damage to our national and state interests.
Just these days, these weeks, I have been speaking out so much when it comes to things that represent the truth, not because Vučić would take me to the Government, but because I think....
(The MPs protest.)
Mr. Milić, listen, I know that you are sorry...
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you see that I also allow you to criticize, that is, to complain.
IVICA DAČIĆ: Okay, Mr. Milić, you are sorry, you were in power so little that you simply cannot write it in your biography, but you have left enough damage to this people and the country, and that is why you will not even return.
But, you keep talking, and from your ranks it is heard, and it is said - we have a rhetoric that reminds us of the 90s.
Listen, ladies and gentlemen, at a time when the rhetoric in the region is reminiscent of the 40s, when Stepinac is being rehabilitated, when the Ustasha greeting "Ready for home" is being rehabilitated, when monuments to Ustasha terrorists are being erected, when the greatest ethnic cleansing is being celebrated in this way Serbs after the Second World War, the biggest ethnic cleansing in Europe after the Second World War, what obligation do we have but to raise our voice against it. Why should we not applaud that?
You say - why was Vanja Udovicic wrong when he said - to the Kosovar athletes, and what, that we may not stand and listen to the Kosovo anthem, a non-existent state, an unrecognized state, which was declared on the basis of a violation of international law. Let's talk about it, because we have different views on it. I pride myself on having different views than you and I will never have the same views as you.
Likewise, I know that when we were in coalition with DS, you had different views. You had a situation where you wanted good relations with Russia.
Democratic Party, who? Not me for sure. I always had, and you always pushed together with Koštunica, there were no chairs who would sit down to sign the agreement just to defeat Toma Nikolić in the elections. That was…
(Radoslav Milojčić: Who?)
Well, Boris Tadić, who?
(Radoslav Milojčić: He is not a member of the DS.)
Excuse me, please, then he is in this other party.
(Radoslav Milojčić: It's the same as if Minister Vulin...)
I am asking you all, I accept all our members no matter where they are.
THE PRESIDENT: Please, sir. You are a candidate, please do not communicate.
Mr. Vulin, please don't communicate that way. You are only a candidate.
I'm giving you back this time.
IVICA DAČIĆ: You know what, I spent so much time arguing with my former colleagues from the former coalition, that I won't ask you to give me that time back. If necessary, I can give them a lecture on how to come to power.
THE PRESIDENT: I will give you back your time.
IVICA DAČIĆ: In any case, the policy they lead is wrong, and they don't want to talk about politics because they don't have one. Their politics is based on spitting on Vucic, Dacic or anyone else.
Give the policy. The selection is over. Your politics have lost and you have the place you deserve.
In any case, I hope no one is surprised, we will vote for the formation of the Government. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: I have the floor. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUČIĆ: Once again, a few words about the difficulty of the position in which the Republic of Serbia finds itself, and this is what Vice President Dačić spoke about. It won't be easier in three months, nor in six months, and the way things are going, I wouldn't say it's going our way, even though we've managed to avoid those major hits to the ship called Serbia so far, and there will be many more problems in the future. and in the environment. I would say that the world's opportunities are not going our way either, but you can't choose them. You live in a time when we, as children, do not create them, but above all we look at how to preserve ourselves, how to protect ourselves, how to defend ourselves.
I think it is very important and very important for people in Serbia to understand that what we are doing in terms of national politics and national interests is the most we can do, so that we would have nothing from empty heroism and from being the strongest, except that we would have many new victims. and again in 10 and 20 years someone would have to rebuild the economy and think about how to rebuild the country.
Don't forget that because we are economically stronger, our military industry is stronger and we are militarily stronger and can influence the prevention of anyone who would like to threaten the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia, and that is exactly why we made decisions about special investments in our dedicated industry. That's exactly why I think it's a vital part of our industry and economy because even in these troubled times when you talk about bloc divisions, I'm afraid they don't exist anymore because I'm not sure where you would place Turkey today, I'm not sure where you would place some of the other countries. Within the EU itself, there are numerous divisions and numerous cracks, different attitudes. Of course, they are all in the EU because they have a supreme interest and economic well-being, and I would say peace and stability, and they know how expensive it is to participate or be part of any destabilization.
So, I think it is of essential and crucial importance that we look at what we can do in the future to protect our country, that we protect it first of all with a wise, smart and rational policy and that we know well the relations of forces in the world.
When you spoke a little while ago about Milosevic, about you first of all, and I participated in it to a small extent from 1998 to 2000, it was a very serious mistake. I won't talk about the others, there were more, of course. That serious error consists in the following. Of course, it is not emotional in nature, it is deeply rational, very realistic, and that is that we did not look at the balance of forces in the world, that we did not understand what was happening around us, and we were able to calculate and count very little. Let's not get into the merits of politics, let's not say that everything else wasn't right either, but this is what those in power must not allow themselves. You have the right to that luxury when you are in the opposition. When you're in the opposition, you can say things that don't fit, you can say things that people like, you can say what people want to hear. When you are in the government, then you must not address yourself in such a way, then you must also have a different language, a different vocabulary, and you must take an interest in your country and your citizens.
What we did in the previous period and what we succeeded in, you may have seen for the first time. It is impossible to remain silent about the vampirization of Ustasia, Nazism and ideology, and it is our obligation to speak clearly and unambiguously.
I am proud of the fact that the Government of Serbia and its relevant ministers had enough courage to react to such provocations, because one day some in Europe will wonder why they did not react to such things. You cannot explain to anyone that Miro Barešić is not a terrorist. You cannot explain to anyone that Alojzije Stepinac, the Ustasha vicar, was not a criminal, even though they gave him up and sacrificed him, because they knew that he could not receive the death penalty during the time of communist rule, that he would not answer to Ante Pavelić in any way. which both the British and American services through rat channels and many others, possibly even eastern services, conducted through several countries to Paraguay. A man died in Spain as a free citizen, without any problems. So, the greatest Nazi villain, he was never tried. He was never tried by communist Yugoslavia, never by communist Croatia. They found a solution - judge Stepinac. They tried Stepinac, who should have been tried, but they knew that since he did not personally participate in the slaughter and the execution of the crime, they knew that he could not receive the death penalty. But that does not reduce his responsibility in any way.
Don't forget, I gave one example, and there were similar examples in my father's place, but this place Kamensko is a special example. It is the upper part of Karlovac, the Metropolis of Upper Karlovac. In January 1942, the Croats forced them to come to the Catholic church, baptized them all and boasted about it in their newspaper "Hrvatska nova". Even today there are printed copies. I think that Mr. Jovan Pejin also published it in his book about Alojzije Stepinac.
Speaking of which, they made the following thing. They say - that was the only time Stepinac spoke at the trial, as he allegedly defended himself by remaining silent and convinced himself that he was innocent. By the way, the only time he spoke against the Nazi occupier was when his brother was killed. Do not forget that the Germans often shot the most common Ustasha villains. For example, in Prijedor they shot a group of six Ustashas, because they had never seen such executioners and villains, who killed Serbian poor people and Serbian elders. That's why they shot them. Well, then, Stepinac was reacting to the death of his brother, and that statement is taken from him even today to say that he was in fact declaring against the Nazi order, and in 1944 he received, therefore after that, the highest decoration of the Ustasha state directly from Ante Pavelić. In 1945, in the month of February, as their singers Thompson and the others beat them today, Max and his butchers were walking in Jasenovac. Belgrade was liberated in October 1944. Everyone has already seen and known everything. In February 1945, they walked around Jasenovce and still slaughtered and killed Serbs, still thinking that they were winning, that it was only a matter of time when the Nazi army would recover and when they would be able to do it again.
We could not remain silent on those things and we will not remain silent on those things. I will not accept that false apportionment of blame - both are to blame, they are playing ping pong. There is no ping pong here, he hits you in the head, and you say - sorry, we saw that sledgehammer. Then you say - it's ping pong. It's no ping pong. That's why I will not accept the statements of the former president today, who condemned me for saying that we are strong enough and that we will never allow another "Storm" to anyone. Is that a crime? Does anyone wish for a new "Storm"? Is it some kind of nationalist, chauvinistic or any kind of statement? I think it is normal, reasonable and national. I said that not to threaten anyone. I said that keeping in mind and well adding up the numbers, both ours and everyone else's, and understanding that at this moment we are able to do that, therefore, to protect our people.
And now, those people who thought that it was possible to easily break Serbia because it is a member of the EU and a member of the NATO pact, forgot that today Serbia has a much greater reputation. Serbia also managed to demonstrate this with its debate in the parliament. We want to have the best possible relations with Croatia and we will work on that, as well as with the members of their minority here in our country, but Serbia is nobody's punching bag and it will not be. We don't threaten anyone and we don't ask anything from anyone. I think that the democratic capacity of the discussion contributed to the reputation of the Republic of Serbia.
It's my fault that after yesterday's hard and exhausting day, and since this morning I've been at work since seven, I was already in the Assembly at nine, I'm the only one who can't leave this hall, you saw that most of those who come do something difficult they say a little, a little, then they go outside, then they walk, I can't leave the hall since I'm the only one authorized to answer and I have to answer everyone, I'm sorry that it hit me when someone the child attacked, but what should I do? I guess I'm a living person and I apologize if I violated or stepped on something with the phrase "shame on you" or "shame on you". I think I'm not fundamentally, but it's not a problem for me, I should have learned, and I guess that's the only thing I didn't learn.
I can bear anything, I can bear all possible falsehoods and lies. You saw a little while ago when I thoroughly analyzed, both for you and the citizens of Serbia, what was hidden behind the story about wind farms and everything else, so that you know what the real plans were and why it was done, when you can analyze it, then you can see what all the prime minister must do and what the prime minister must see. But it's all normal and you have to endure it when you're in that place. What I'm not used to is someone attacking your children, but absolutely not guilty or guilty, with the stupidest and most obtuse explanation possible that someone gave.
I apologize once again to you, MPs, if in my words "shame on you" or "shame on you" you felt some kind of instant disrespect towards anyone. I am able to accept that kind of guilt, but I don't think that it happened in this parliament that someone attacked someone's children, and I think that this was almost never the case in the political life of Serbia. But what to do, looks like I'll have to get used to that too. I promise you that even that will not be enough for them, that they will not scare me with that and that I will not back down from them even an inch, no matter what they say, no matter how they say it and no matter what lies and fabrications they engage in. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: The floor is MP Lapčević.
Just explain to me on what basis you are contacting me.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Reply, direct name-calling.
PRESIDENT: Reply to Ivica Dačić, you personally or the party?
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: The party.
THE PRESIDENT: Here you go.
MILAN LAPČEVIĆ: Today, it is an established practice here in this parliament, both from the candidates for prime minister and from Mr. Dačić, that they repeatedly attack the DSS in a rude way and that they tell a lot of untruths. So, you talked about the fact that during the time of the DSS, robberies and tycoon privatizations were carried out, and you yourself know that the largest privatizations were carried out in the period from 2000 to 2004, when the DSS was not part of the Government. You also know that those departments were led by people from the G17, and even if they were, there is no political party ideology that propagated any abuses. You have been in power for four years, you have bread and cake and a knife, you have the executive power, you have the police, you have the judiciary, prosecute. We have no problem with that. Anyone who is guilty, who is over the age of 18, should be held accountable. We have no problem with that.
Mr. Dacic talks about how the SSP was adopted at the session of the Government of Serbia, and he will not say that the session was illegally scheduled and held without ministers from the DSS. We had no role in that, on the contrary, we were against it. And that agreement was signed by Mr. Đelić, despite the opposition of DSS and the Prime Minister. And all the time you attack the DSS, which DSS and that Kostunica personally saved your party after 2000. That says more about you than us. And Mr. Prime Minister, who would not be in power today if it were not for the support of the DSS in 2012, and you have forgotten that. May it be to your credit.
THE PRESIDENT: Time. Thank you very much.
Are you looking for a replica?
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: If I may just say. So, then there was an election for the President of the Republic. We had two completely new cycles of parliamentary elections. But I respect Mr. Kostunica, unlike you who did not go with him. I don't agree with him on everything and I think he is an honorable man and I didn't say that he stole it. You had ministers who were both arrested and prosecuted, who are symbols, but don't forbid me to speak and express political conclusions. Mr. Bubalo was not a member of I don't know which party, but yours. Some others were members of other political parties and I don't see any problem there.
First, until some people joined you, I had great respect for your party. Today I respect her less, but that is my right. Personally, I will always respect you. There is no great philosophy here. You haven't heard many bad things about Mr. Kostunica from my mouth and you won't. What I mean is that he tried to take care of Serbia as much as he could, although I don't agree with everything he did. Because I think that he tried to be nationally responsible and take care of the country, but it has nothing to do with theft, it has nothing to do with Hamović, Lazarević and everyone else, it has nothing to do with all the privatizations that have been carried out since 2004. and further, as it has nothing to do with all the privatizations that were carried out from 2001 to 2004.
Yesterday we talked about spas, and we have 50 spas in Serbia that were taken just so that someone could sell them as property and nothing more. As you tell us - "Hestil" was sold as an asset, and you gave it to us empty, only we need to pay and spend on a monthly basis 12 million euros to pay salaries, without producing anything. That is the difference. It's just that I, unfortunately, can't get there from the, I would say, rush, fabrications and nonsense every day to answer everything. This was not related to what you said a moment ago.
(The President: Time, please.)
As for the SSP, I said exactly who initialed when and I didn't make anything up.
I can't speak anymore?
(President: No, you called for a reply, that's why.)
I didn't know, but okay. I'm sorry, I won't be long. Excuse me. Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Deputy Dacic, a reply? You have two minutes.
IVICA DAČIĆ: Just so that it does not appear that I will not respond to what Mr. Lapčević said, I really want to discuss the policies that we conduct as a party. You know that our coalition ended, among other things, because we had a different policy when it comes to the EU. Don't make it seem like we have something to be grateful to you about. You know what, I hear the same thing from the Democrats and from you, etc. It turns out that you saved us all. Wait, man, we saved you all. If we weren't there, where would you be? You have not been able to form a government since 2004, Koštunica called us to support you. I secretly came to your offices after dark, so that Zoran Živković wouldn't see us. Here it is.
(Zoran Živković: You wore Phantom women.)
No, the phantoms were worn by those of you in front of Milosevic's house.
When it comes to other things, it turns out in the end - we owe you something. Everything is fine. I was correct and I think we had a correct cooperation. As Mr. Vučić says, I never attacked Mr. Koštunica in particular either, but here we are talking about different policies. I did not lie, the Government session that was held was held in such a way that you met each other. The Democrats came out to meet the Democratic Party of Serbia to adopt something about Russia, and you came out to meet them and came out, they had a majority without you.
(President: Time, deputy.)
The Secretary General of the Government was in the hall. I don't know what Mr. Živković wants to say to me and to whom, he threw it at me, not me at him.
PRESIDENT: Deputy, two minutes and 19 seconds. Thank you very much.
IVICA DAČIĆ: I'm sorry, take those 19 seconds away from me.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, that's because you didn't want the two minutes I gave you.
Please understand, MP Saša Radulović. Here you go.
(Milan Lapčević: Reply.)
There is no replica. I decided to close this round and Saša Radulović has the floor. Here you go.
You don't care when I give my word, when I don't give my word. Really, like in a pub. No matter what I do, you will depress me.
Deputy, I'm giving you back your time. I'm going to turn you off now. Log in again, let's start from scratch. Let's start from the beginning.
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: Dear citizens, ladies and gentlemen, the broadcast on RTS has just been canceled, so this is very interesting.
PRESIDENT: The broadcast was interrupted, not canceled, when the representative Aleksandar Vučić spoke, not when you started speaking. Do not make yourself a victim, when you are not.
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: I don't make anything. You took my word without any basis and obviously now we see the reason for that taking my word, when I had time.
THE PRESIDENT: I'll give it back to you again. No one took your word for it and don't mislead the public.
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: To repeat, respected citizens of the Republic of Serbia, the exposition we received had...
PRESIDENT: Deputies, please, just a little bit. MP Radulović absolutely demands your attention, if possible.
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: Can the Speaker bring order to the Assembly? This is something that citizens will see.
PRESIDENT: But, speak up, we hear you.
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: I am asking you to bring order. Interference is not allowed.
PRESIDENT: Do not address the deputy. Talk to each other. Please do not address the MP, if that is already the case.
Do you want to speak, won't you speak?
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: Is the goal to prevent me from speaking? I am asking you to restore order.
PRESIDENT: What can I prevent now?
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: Throwing is not allowed. We haven't said a word so far.
The exposition we received had 68 pages. We received it practically on the day of the session. I understand that the practice in the past was also not to submit the exposition on time, also somehow the Assembly sessions where the Government was discussed were always made in a hurry. However, I hope that the representative also agrees that we should stop with that practice, that is, that we should not complain about what happened before, but do what should be done, which is to schedule the session on time. that the exposition be submitted so that we can talk normally. I hope that we agree on that and that this practice will be established.
During the expectation of the Government, we heard about the fact that 450 pages of exposés were written by the mandate holder, on checked paper, as it was said, handwritten. I don't think it would appear in front of the citizens that this is not true, that the representative should show those 450 pages so that the citizens would see that it really happened like that and that the representative really wrote on checkered paper.
The exposition is very similar to the exposition we had two years ago. It is full of details, full of various numbers and practically full of promises, and if we go back to two years ago, we see that many, that is, most of them have not been fulfilled. Let's say, I will mention only one interesting detail that appears again now, and that is the Law on the Origin of Property. The representative promised that law in 2012, so then, also sometime in the middle of 2015, we heard that it would be done by September, there was even a public order to the Minister of Finance to do it by September 15th. Unfortunately, that did not happen.
What we need to talk about, I think that exposition is really big, and we need to talk about the strategic direction for Serbia. The representative mentioned that he thinks that this is the only way, that is, that this is the best way for Serbia, what he wrote in the exposition itself, and of course we do not agree with that.
In presenting that exposé, he talked about many, many details. For example, we agree that toilets are important, they are important in our society, but that is not a job for a mandate holder. The job for the representative is to ensure that the system works, that the schools work, that there are people in those schools who are able to take care of the toilets. Like, for example, giving blankets to people from a helicopter when there is a flood is a very important thing, but it is not a job for the prime minister. That's a job for the rescue services. The Prime Minister's job is to create a system in which the emergency services work.
Also, when it came to saving a child in Feketić, that is also not the prime minister's job. The prime minister's job is again to make the rescue services work, so when we see the rescue services doing their job, then it means to us, and I think you will agree with that, that the system is working, and then it means that the prime minister is doing his job. The prime minister's job is the system.
Similarly, during the exposition, it was talked about construction companies that do not meet the deadlines, etc., and the representative said that he will personally make sure that this happens. That is not the job of the mandate holder either. So, there is a minister, and the minister has companies, there are services that should deal with it, when we see that the roads are being built, that the deadlines are respected, then we know that the mandate has created a system, that the system is working and then we know that the prime minister is doing his job.
We heard a lot about that and about problems, that is, problems with the citizens of Serbia. We pulled out some clips about where the mandate holder spoke on several occasions about how the citizens of Serbia seem to be lazy people and that we must learn, i.e. that the citizens must learn not to be more lazy than to emulate some other citizens around the world who they are not lazy. All the problems we heard about in this exposition, we found two culprits, as the representative explained. One is our lazy people, and the other is that those from before are to blame, which means that it is not this previous or previous government that is to blame, but the government from before that, and that someone is always to blame before.
I think that we should finally establish a practice in Serbia that responsibility is assumed when someone becomes prime minister, that after that he bears the responsibility of that job, that he does not blame those who did before, but that he fixes those things and that we finally have the practice of that's how it's done. it's called taking responsibility.
As for the citizens of the Republic of Serbia, our citizens are not lazy and they know it. Citizens of Serbia are neither smarter nor dumber than other citizens in the world. They are neither prettier nor uglier. Citizens of the Republic of Serbia, like all citizens in the world, are smart, hardworking and hardworking. The big difference is in the system actually. Our system is crooked, but in Germany, for example, the system is as it should be. That system in Germany helps, that is, it is good for decent, smart and working people. In Serbia, the system is distorted, where for those who are decent and earn money through their work, the system is uphill, and for those who join political parties, the system is downhill. This is the central problem of Serbia. Rational people then look for the line of least resistance, so they do the only thing available to them, which are two things: they either flee the country or join political parties and thus get a job. Unfortunately, this is the present in Serbia.
For more than 10 years, we have had an economic policy based on foreign investors as saviors, and we have been telling this story about saviors for so long, if we look around, we can see the results of that strategy, that is, the results of such an economic policy. It is deeply wrong, and in fact that is the main disagreement. We have political differences about what is the way for Serbia to get out of the crisis we are in today.
We say that the central problem of Serbia is partocracy, that is, the party parasitic system that the parties have created for themselves. In fact, in our country, parties have created their own state for themselves. So, not our country in our country, but their country in our country. Those parties have created a whole system of party employment for themselves, which has grown over time, and is now worse than ever.
Citizens know this very well. They know very well that without a party card you cannot get, that is, get a job, that this does not only apply to public companies, this applies even to cultural institutions. Here, for example, look at Nis or Novi Sad, where people without any qualifications come to head those institutions. So, party recruitment is when party cadres, mostly with purchased diplomas, from fictitious universities come to fictitious administrative positions. In Serbia, we don't have a surplus of doctors in the public sector, we don't have a surplus of educators, we don't have a surplus of, say, workers in utility companies who work in the field. We have a surplus of party cadres sitting in offices, receiving salaries for not working. 700 thousand people, over 700 thousand people, are employed in the entire public sector, the extended public sector, the extended public sector in Serbia. This includes public companies and social enterprises. In that public sector, we have about 15% of the party surplus, which costs us a billion euros annually.
The Fiscal Council published a report in which it said that in 2015, the Government saved, we say took from pensioners, 20 billion dinars, that is 180 million euros. This is not the cause of the deficit, it is not the problem of the deficit, the fact that it was taken from pensioners, it is 180 million euros, the problem is this one billion party cadres.
Another thing, we have a lot of corruption in the country that has continued. Verica Barać once said that the center of corruption in the country is the Government of the Republic of Serbia, that everything originates from that. Verica Barać, let me remind you all, was the heroine of the Serbian political scene who spoke about the robbery of Serbia when no one else was allowed to, spoke about predatory privatization, everything that was happening. Initiated 24 disputed privatizations.
I had the honor and privilege to help her in those subjects. Afterwards, I worked both with the prosecutor's office and the police on those cases. In all 24 cases, we found everything that Verica Barać claimed. All those cases were closed and ended up in a drawer, later the Alliance for the fight against corruption released a report that says that all those cases were diverted. So, none of them were completed as Verica Barać wrote. I personally made sure that what she wrote was in fact true, that is, we found it together with wonderful police inspectors, working groups that were formed on those cases.
How do subsidies work here? I will tell you two things that we discovered in the Ministry of Economy when I was a minister, which show in fact where the deficit is.
The first concerns the Development Fund. Two billion euros of our money was wasted from the Development Fund, and at the beginning we asked for a report from the director of the Development Fund to see who they gave those loans to. She wrote a report in which she said that more than 20.000 loans had been granted and that 20.000 employees were in charge of those 61 loans.
So, the system was designed so that it could not function. I stopped it because money is being stolen there, on average, loans are given for five years. In the first year, everyone repays the loan, in the second year half repays the loan, from the third year onwards no one repays the loan. This is two billion euros of our money, and the loans were distributed along party lines, and corruption, or party rackets, usually goes with them. We had businessmen who came to the Ministry of Economy and said that they were asked for 30% of the racket in order to receive those subsidies.
Another story concerns subsidies per workplace. I will tell the story of Vršac vineyards. The Vršac vineyards were supposed to be privatized in 2013, before I became a minister. An assessment of the property's value was made in February. They estimated that they have wine stocks worth five million euros and total assets worth 17 million euros. That was the assessment of the property value of the Vršac vineyards.
Then sometime in July, August, Dinkić proposed to the Government in 2013, the Government adopted a regulation according to which if one interested person appears at the auction, if he does not raise his hand immediately, the price will be halved, if no one raises his hand, the second auction will go immediately third where the starting price is a third. That's how a Chinese investor appeared who silenced the first, silenced the second auction and bought the Vršac vineyards for five million euros, that is, he should have bought because we later canceled that contract.
Now let's look a little to settle. So, they pay five million euros, they get a stock of wine worth five million euros and equipment, facilities and land for "d". That was the deal and this is not all. In addition, all employees in Vršac vineyards should have been dismissed, and the state should pay severance pay, and after that the investor should employ the same workers and receive a subsidy of 6.000 euros per workplace.
If you think this is all, you are wrong. When they evaluated the Vršac vineyards in February, there were no grapes on the vines. By September, grapes had grown and the grape harvest was worth around five million euros. This is the privatization of the Vršac vineyards that was supposed to be implemented in August 2013. My ministry stopped this. The trade unions and all the employees of Vršac vineyards know this very well. This is one of the models of how the state was robbed.
About one billion euros are spent annually on subsidies. This is a situation where, for example, a domestic producer of water heaters pays taxes, and then the state takes his taxes and pays his competition from abroad to open a workplace, shut it down and practically create economic growth. It doesn't work like that in any country in the world. These are the causes of deficits, not pensions. So these 180 million euros that were taken from pensioners are just a drop in the ocean compared to where the money is being thrown.
When we look at a couple of these companies listed in the exposition, for example JAT or Železara, at JAT after the change, JAT realized a business loss in 2014 of 75 million euros. Of course, like all citizens of Serbia, I would like for this investment to be good, for it to function well, however, unfortunately, this is not the case.
They received a subsidy of 79 million euros from the state and thus fictitiously made a profit. So, they make a loss, the state gives 79 million and this is clearly visible from the financial statements, and then they show the profit on paper.
Last year in 2015, the loss was 45 million euros, the state gave a subsidy of 49, the subsidy is a gift, could not JAT, i.e. "Air Serbia" show a profit of 4 million euros. This is not good economic policy. So, the question is what is not working in that company and we want to change that, to focus on what is not working, to remove it so that the company remains profitable.
For example, in 2014, the steel mill made a loss of 134 million euros, received a subsidy of 36, so the loss is 98, and last year in 2015, this wonderful management that was installed made a loss of 144 million euros. So when we look at the combined loss, it is 278 million euros of Železara when we take the years 2014 and 2015.
Let me remind you that 180 million euros were stolen from pensioners. How do you bring order to these companies? It is introduced with the identity cards that I started with and those identity cards were unfortunately abolished and abandoned, where assets are listed, liabilities are listed, and order is brought into the company like any householder. After that, a business financial plan is made, the company is cleared of debts, people are paid back wages and seniority is connected, and after that investors are sought, not before, but after that. Because we have not brought order anywhere because of that and we have problems in privatization, because no one will buy it. No one is advocating for the closure of the Ironworks, but we are advocating that first order be established and that we look at what is worthwhile in the Ironworks and what is not.
What happened in the end was that Železara was sold for 46 million euros, that is, it was not Železara that was sold, but the assets of Železara, Železara remained as a legal entity and the debt of 52 billion dinars remained in that Železara. That's about 450 million euros over that, and similar to JAT, we expect taxpayers to take it over.
When we talk, there was a mention of a hairdresser who cuts hair at home and doesn't pay taxes, the problem with that is that people don't pay unreasonable taxes and of course it's illegitimate competition, they shouldn't do that, but people survive that way.
The best incentive for the domestic economy is the reduction of taxes and contributions. It's a way to avoid the gray economy, it's a way to bring order. Serbia is a wonderful country, it has smart people, it has a terrible system. Serbia does not need a leader, Serbia needs a system and equal rules for everyone, then smart people among us will succeed in that good system as in Germany to create added value and to create...
PRESIDENT: Thank you. Time.
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: So, the solutions are not foreign investors, the solutions are the citizens of the Republic of Serbia and the domestic economy. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Here you go, Prime Minister.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: I think that the citizens of Serbia could now see for themselves what the politics they were talking about looks like, and someone asked me today why it was good that there were elections. I think that this is one of the reasons why it is very important that we held the elections. Because someone would gain people's trust with their everyday, sometimes senseless, sometimes less senseless criticisms, and people would think that someone is an expert and that someone can do something somewhere.
Of course, we didn't hear anything in the exposition, because he didn't even read it. We heard in the exposition that I didn't talk about something that I was talking about, since he wasn't listening at the time, he was tweeting or doing something else or he was, so I won't go into other details.
On the other hand, yesterday I read the 270-page text. I wrote it myself, got the opinion of the ministry, wrote the introductory conclusion myself, corrected everything myself and did everything myself and no one ever writes texts for me, I write them, as you knew before. I don't know what it meant to you and what you needed it for, unlike you who were written speeches by others and delivered them when you were supposed to speak while you were in the Government of Serbia. We'll leave that aside and that's fine. One cannot reach everything.
You talk about violations of procedures and I listen to all of you all day. We did not violate any procedure, any procedure, not a single article, not a single rule, not a single one, not a business one, that is, any by-law, legal, constitutional. You said that I went somewhere in other countries, that I did not meet Serbs, when I asked which country it was, everyone was silent and no one answered.
You spoke here today about something that is the job of the Prime Minister and what is not the job of the Prime Minister. First, when you are talking about the details in Feketić, I was not the president, but the deputy prime minister. I was doing something that a normal person would do. By the way, I went there by accident, and Saša Antić, present here, was supposed to go, I even got angry that I had to go there that day. So much for your nonsensical stories, fabrications about how somewhere something is planned and I don't know what organized. It was a terrible time there, that the people who were in the cars, many of them could suffer less than me, many. I can put up with a lot more than you can imagine, and I could easily bear that kind of terrible cold and especially that wind. A bus appeared, it was supposed to transfer that child somewhere. There were few of us. I just did what any normal person would do. That's why you ran an annual campaign. You didn't do anything else. Why? Well, because it was nice for you to sit in a warm room and from there criticize someone who was not in that warm room.
It bothers you that I carried blankets to the people we were pulling out of the flooded areas, yes, and that is the job of the prime minister, because the job of the prime minister is to be with his people, to help his people in every situation, in every place.
Toilets bother you. I know that it is not politics and until it was not politics, therefore, until it was politics, this is exactly what happened to us. We had a case where we had dirty toilets and no one anywhere really cared about it in any way. And then I said - nothing, we are making this action through the Office for Public Investments and today, at this moment to inform you, we are renovating 309 buildings, I think that by the end of the year we will manage to increase that number to six hundred and next year, I am I was wrong, I thought we could do 1.000, but you yourself know that the procedures are not easy and that it is much more complicated than it seems, but together with next year we will have over 1.500 facilities, therefore, also health centers and clinics, and schools, hospitals and everything else we do, and I'm not talking about these big systems like the Clinical Center.
Furthermore, you said that I am saying that citizens are lazy. This shows me that they didn't listen, because yesterday I said here unequivocally that the system of the 60s and 70s, socialist self-management, led us to lose our entrepreneurial spirit, and everything that happened to us in the 90s and XNUMXs we lost work habits. I was very precise. I was just talking about the system, and Serbs are by no means worse people than anyone else. I have no racist theories to say that we are better than someone else, but we are certainly not worse.
Being open, so I can say what I think about many things, so I am. That's why it bothers me when we brag about not working and when you can go outside 500 times, and I can't go out, and at the same time you tell me how you can work more diligently and diligently. You can't. I know that when you worked in the government. I happen to know that. You may be the smartest person in the world. From what Deutsche Welle and the Americans are saying, I can see that it is, but I could never come up with those models.
But, you see, I know exactly who works and how much in the government, for each minister. I know exactly how hard you worked. I never spoke about that or other things, and that's how people recognize themselves. That's why no one will ever cooperate with you, no one, ever. There is no one you can find who really wants to cooperate with you, and everyone knows it and everyone in this hall knows it. Even those who pat you on the back laughed at you. They laughed at you when you talked about foreign investments.
You were talking nonsense. You were literally talking nonsense. You said something that is impossible for anyone to understand. I'm not complaining about the distraction either visually or audio. I don't mind, just to see if you can hold on to that hand until I'm done without letting it go so I can see if you're worth that much.
So I agree that they exist. Looks like you couldn't even last 30 seconds.
Dear friends, you have all seen, they look at the camera when the cameras are recording them and then pick it up, and it is difficult for them to hold a 50 gram book in their hand.
So I'm not here for the broadcast, I'm here for the history, but they're here for the camera and the broadcast.
You say the problem is partocracy or partitocracy, whatever you want. There's just one problem, well, you're the best possible example of how it shouldn't work and how party power is abused. You're here, you won't believe it, the association "Enough is Enough" from Belgrade has applied for the lease of the following business premises: business premises in Belgrade at Bogdan Žerajića street number 24a, business premises in Belgrade Radnička street number 54, second zone, and of business premises in Belgrade, Dimitrija Tucovića street number 49, first zone. In the request, it is stated that the association "Enough" was a voluntary, non-governmental and non-profit association, I didn't know, founded for an indefinite period to achieve goals, I don't even know what they are, in all areas where something can be done, etc.
But the bottom line is why they asked for it. Because, when they ask as a political party, they don't have a discount, and since they are not a political party, since they are not a political party, since they are not a political party, since they are not a political party, since they are not a political party, then they can have an 80% discount and so on wanted to steal 80% of the money from the citizens of Belgrade and the citizens of Serbia on just those three business premises. Fortunately, they are not allowed to do so.
That you did not listen to what I said in Expose and that you were not interested in it at all, I also saw from what you said about the Law on the Origin of Property. You should also have read my previous Expose. You would see that in that Exposition there is not a single word about the Law on the Origin of Property, and I have told you this many times.
Come on, stand up a little, you've been standing for a while, stand up a little more. Well, listen to me, people.
It's good that they brought some leisure and relaxation into the National Assembly. If nothing else, they spoke of great seriousness and great responsibility. It is good that they bring some entertainment and relaxation.
So, you didn't listen to what I said about the Law on the Origin of Property, because I didn't even mention the Law on the Origin of Property in the Expose. I mentioned it yesterday. And I said yesterday that I didn't mention him in the first Expose, but that I talked about it later and that I'm very unhappy that we didn't do something like that.
What are you going to do, everyone is scratching where they itch, and the first thing they got their hands on is the Law on the Origin of Property.
You talked about regulated systems. I agree, the US is a very organized system, a very organized system. With them, there is nothing more important, there is no greater value than paying your taxes, and there is no greater problem than that.
You got angry about something. You won't be doing anything more than what you've been doing all day. You must have thought that everyone would run away when you appeared. Did you expect that? Ouch.
So, I hope I won't be forced to read, but let me tell you, the material I brought, folks, is bigger than Expose, at least two or three times.
Now, unrelated to that, let's get back to the serious part for the sake of the citizens of Serbia. They are not particularly important and they are not particularly important. Let's talk about something that is extremely important, because I see it becoming a mantra for everyone who knows nothing.
I'm not going to talk about other things, but I want to talk about the following. About the fact that, when you talk about "Zelezara", you should tell the citizens of Serbia the following thing: "Zelezara" would cost us 100 million euros. What you know, the other citizens of Serbia don't need to know, but you must know it and I am convinced that you do. So, if we hadn't brought the Chinese, it would have cost us 100 million euros to break even, and we have to pay for it. Therefore, an empty factory is not zero dinars for us, people should know that. And there are not zero workers, and we currently have 5.050 of them who receive a salary. We have another 5.000 people working with them as subcontractors. I know that you really cared about those 10.000 people. We were also lucky, in addition to working hard and fighting to make it happen. Therefore, we would pay an additional 100 million just to destroy our facilities in "Zelezara", and we brought in someone who, for what was nothing, or minus 100 million from the property, got 46 million and got 5.050 employed workers, 5.050 salary and GDP growth and the most powerful factory in Serbia.
People in Serbia should know that. Because what you are saying is the most common fog, like everyone else who is talking about foreign investment. And these people in front of you know that too. Everyone knows that. It is no coincidence that there are three or four serious political parties in Serbia. It is not acquired in one or two days. Because that cannot happen to serious people. It can happen on a personal level one way or another, but serious political parties to speak in such a way can never speak.
You talk about foreign investors getting more. They don't get it. They get exactly the same as the locals. Who makes boilers for you in our country? Who is it that manufactures boilers in our country that asked for subsidies, but did not receive them? Did he ask for any incentives? Do you have a case? You don't have it. It's nowhere to be found. Here "Bekament" works great. The company exports to Albania, exports to Croatia. They got everything everyone else got. What is the name of this other company in Plana or Palanka or Smederevo, I don't know yet, they also got everything the same. Two more new companies are today in, I think, Leskovac and I don't know where, private ones, they also got.
Everyone will win who offers us a plan, who offers us a program. And don't make up a billion euros. Don't make up your mind, one billion euros did not go even during the "Fiat" period, because our obligations were significantly smaller there as well. But that's how it comes to you, because it's beautiful. You know, folks, 180, 200 million here is a small thing, because we will get a billion here. Don't say anything. And that's enough. These are the most common scams and the most common fog, as well as everything else.
It's time to get up, you don't have long and it will be more interesting for the people here in the hall. Every time something hits him, they bring up the Standing Orders, as if the Standing Orders are going to shut me up. Well, I'm not afraid of anything, and I'm not afraid of you. I was not afraid even when they threatened me in Brussels when they told me that it was all over and that I should know what I did when I rejected the first Brussels agreement, I will not be afraid of you, your fabrications and untruths and everything you are told here.
Therefore, I think it is very important for the citizens of Serbia to know, since I already answered you today about the constitutional court and about pensions, now I will also answer you about all investments. No, I will do that in the reply.
So, of course, Mr. Radulović does not understand the contract he was able to read about Air Serbia. He doesn't understand and he can't understand, and maybe he won't. There is a little bit of everything. Therefore, he does not know how to calculate the net results, nor the income from the transportation of goods and mail, nor the operating income, nor what is the operating income and this other income without the subsidy, what is our contractual obligation to invest in the company as a majority partner, and what is a contractual obligation of "Etihad", etc. Therefore, we have not paid a dinar more than what is our contractual obligation. We managed to get the value of the airport today…
Come on, bring up the Rules of Procedure. So they had, I apologize for not persing, it's my fault, forgive me.
So, we had an airport that was worth 50 million euros. Today, it is worth in the AP front that we get 25 million immediately for 350 years. Can we, Vujović, 350 million? Approximately. I'm talking about the real price, 350 plus concession fee between 10 and 15 million euros every year, so you do the math. From something that failed, that had no value, we made the golden coca of the Balkans, not only of Serbia, but it is not worth it, you cannot admit it. You can't admit it because you have to find some model from California or Canada or I don't know what, so that something strange happens. There are no miracles here. Everything is completely normal here, everything is completely visible and absolutely transparent.
To answer what they told me, what they will say from the side, about who are criminals, who are not criminals, so I can't wait, I'm just waiting, to see what they're going to say, and then we'll see who is what kind of criminal and who does not respond to what and everything else.
It is very important that the people of Serbia know that without foreign investments we cannot recover. Our entrepreneurial spirit is not at that level, and that is why we insist on dual education, and in three, four, five years, if we can, to be the holders of the so-called smart industries, especially carriers in the development of the IT sector. No problem, it's better to get rid of the so-called labor-intensive, labor-intensive industries and to approach it. Today we cannot choose, we cannot behave differently. This is the only thing possible and it is the only thing we do.
They know that, but they are not particularly interested in telling the truth, because there is something in our country, and that is that hatred earns you points. Some newspaper wrote tomorrow, he says, "We pay for it so that the fans don't shout at Vučić, a fag." I tell them, today I draw them here, they just shout Vučić the fag without stopping. They don't shout anything else. What to do? What will you do? When someone is ruled by hatred, when someone is ruled by falsehood, that is the only thing possible. You can't answer everything, and that's what your problem is, and it's a serious problem.
As much as I can answer, I will. I can't answer everything, but I want to thank the fact that you are at least here today. It would be good if you were yesterday, then you wouldn't be wrong about the Law on the Origin of Property, you wouldn't be wrong about some other things, and as for the checkered paper, whenever you're interested, come by, I'll show you in person, but I don't think is it for the parade or for anyone else, since I think I have enough brains to write myself, I think I'm educated enough to write myself.
On the other hand, as I would say to you, come on, please give us some serious idea of what we should do, tell us about something we talked about in the exposition, anything. For twenty minutes you said that you did not mention the exposé, that you did not mention it with a single word, except that your exposé was late. When you were chosen in 24 hours, then you didn't mind, then everything was fine. I ran to the chair, then it was great and then the procedures were not violated, but the procedures were violated. What procedure was violated? Which article of the Constitution? Which article of the law was violated? Which by-law? There is nothing. Let's just say something, let's just invent something. We are not at all worried that we invented something.
You talk about party ties. See what your lists look like. See what your party mates are saying who have been party mates for seven days. Not what I say, but your party colleagues. Isn't "Deutsch vele" Vučić's tabloid? "Deutsche Vele" says something against me every day, as you know. I don't know anyone from "Deutsche Vele". If they are not untrustworthy, they are not telling the truth, Americans are talking nonsense about taxes, Americans do not know what taxes are. You know and they don't, so they did something wrong.
I don't have a problem getting into that kind of discussion, but it's always better to go back to the exposition and say what you would do. It would be good if you praised the absence of a deficit because I know you know how important it is and how good it is. It would have been good if you had spoken politely about some things, as others have spoken here, at least about the deficit, although they criticized everything else. I have no problem, I am very happy that you spoke today, I hope that you will have that opportunity as often and as much as possible in the future, and I will make sure that I do not miss that opportunity to address you from here at least once every month and that I can point out to everything you said in the previous period. Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT: Honorable Members of Parliament, you have received the resignation of MP Srđan Kružević from the position of deputy in the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia and the report of the Committee for Administrative-Budgetary and Mandate-Immunity Issues of the National Assembly regarding the consideration of the resignation, which determined that the submission of the resignation constituted a case referred to in Article 88, paragraph 1. item 2 of the Law on the Election of People's Deputies and proposes that the National Assembly in the sense of Article 88, paragraph 3 and 4. of the same law establishes the termination of the mandate of this MP.
Pursuant to Article 88, paragraph 1, item 2 and paragraphs 3 and 4 of the Law on the Election of People's Deputies, the National Assembly, on the proposal of the Committee for Administrative-Budgetary and Mandate-Immunity Issues of the National Assembly, states that the mandate has ended before the expiration of the time elected MP Srđan Kružević on the day of his resignation.
In accordance with the Law on the Election of People's Deputies, the vacant parliamentary seat in the National Assembly will be filled.
MP Saša Radulović has the floor, reply.
SAŠA RADULOVIĆ: Belittling political opponents and insulting them is really bad manners and a sign of great weakness. I won't do that. I think that you are degrading the National Assembly.
The fact that we have differences in what we think should be done is really no reason to address a member of parliament in this way. The rules clearly state that insults are not allowed. The rules of procedure clearly state that you cannot talk personally about personal matters and the personal life of a member of parliament in this way. You are a guest here in the National Assembly, the citizens will be able to see your presentation and the amount of insults you have thrown. This is really not worthy of a prime minister. The Prime Minister would have to behave decently and speak on the subject.
The fact that we have a difference with you about how economic policy should be conducted is not a reason for insults and is not a reason for telling untruths about personal life. I could also talk about yours, but I won't, it's really not for the National Assembly.
(Aleksandar Vučić: Please come on.)
I think you should stand up and not throw tantrums now, I didn't interrupt you and I didn't agree with anything you said.
We raise the Rules of Procedure the moment you violate the Rules of Procedure and that is a sign that you are violating them, or you are talking off-topic or insulting members of parliament. This practically shows how much you respect the rules of the institution of the system. The problem in Serbia is that there is no system, only a leader. All the independent institutions of the system collapsed. This is also shown by the state of the judiciary, what happened in Sava Mala, it is a suspension of the rule of law, and the peak of your disrespect is not receiving a lawsuit by the court, because since 2014 the court is not allowed to serve you a lawsuit. That is not appropriate for a prime minister.
I'm not insulting you, I'm not belittling you, I'm talking about actions. This is very important, we need to get back to the core conversation. We can disagree, but we shouldn't be offended. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: Rep.
This was also on my account, not a single insult was made on your account. Not a single one.
Aleksandar Vučić speaks.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: Just two words. Of course I didn't offend you, I didn't mention anyone in your family, I didn't mention it to others either, and you know I could, I don't do that.
You did it where I couldn't answer you, the way gentlemen don't. And where I am to answer you, you are silent as if watered. This is where the two of us differ, that I don't run away from a duel and I don't gossip about you and I don't say terrible things when you are not present to speak.
Now let me show you what he said, when you talk about data. A little while ago, Mr. Radulović spoke about the Development Fund and the wasted two billion euros. The total balance of the Development Fund is 140 billion dinars, and what kind of two billion euros are they talking about, where are those two billion? It doesn't matter, that's what we said by the way, so whatever. There is no problem in not telling the truth, if it goes, it goes.
By the way, if one billion euros could be saved on employees, it means that 120.000 people had to be laid off. This means that you would fire 24% of public sector employees. It is a serious topic and we should have talked about it, but no one was able to translate it to the citizens of Serbia. Yes, Mr. Radulović would fire 25% of people in the public sector, 25% of people so that he could achieve what he said, despite this being untrue.
If it is an insult to Mr. Radulović that I only mentioned, I did not even ask if you want to pay and when you will pay, that I only mentioned the tax, which is the topic of the entire public in Serbia, I'm sorry, then I was probably wrong. I think that the question of paying taxes is...
I had experience when I was late in paying about 15 years ago for infostan or something like that, I paid dearly for it, is that how it was, do you remember, that's when you ran that campaign against me.
(Radoslav Milojičić: I'll talk about that later.)
So I paid dearly for it. My account was 80.000 dinars, something like that, what kind of black account of one million and 69 thousand dollars? Where do people get one million and 69 thousand dollars? And that's just for tax.
But the latter is much more important, which we discussed today about foreign investors and the Development Fund, which was not my idea. the only thing that is not untrue.
I think that today's citizens were able to understand well what are the things that we can and must change. Don't have any illusions, whatever you say, and that it is acceptable for the state, I will say every time that it is acceptable and that it is okay. I won't mind all the personal hatred you've spewed against me and my family, because that's what makes me different from you. The second you say that, I don't pick up the Standing Orders or get nervous like you. You relaxed me and cheered me up. I've had a hard and tiring day up to this moment, I've been here for almost 12, 11 hours, I had to answer everyone and for one moment I didn't have as much fun as in dialogue and conversation with you. Thank you for that and I wish you much success in the future.
PRESIDENT: The floor is Marijan Risticevic.
MARIJAN RISTIČEVIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, when I look at these smiling tanned faces, I believe that it was acquired in agriculture, but I doubt it. I think that part of the money that was stolen from our citizens is stuck there. While our citizens are barely surviving, it is obvious that some are living very well on the White World seas. I don't see Balsha, he must be in the Maldives, there is a problem there with some yellow duck, how many stars there are, I don't know, but it is almost certain that he is in the Maldives. Brana Crnčević said "Speech is a gift, silence is even greater."
I think that according to the presentation of my colleague from the village of Stajčevci, from the organization "Never had enough", the best confirmation is that Brana Crnčević was right that sometimes it is better to be silent than to speak. I have nothing against my colleague, whether it is a violation of the menu, Madam Speaker or Mr. Speaker, I ask you to warn those from "They never had enough" not to disturb the speaker in this way. First, they can't do that to me, I'm not that easily fooled, and maybe that menu violation didn't have enough allspice in the bean dip. Well, those from the company, as it is called "Kradulović Rodni i Delboj Company", established this and severely punished the waiters and cooks.
I hear that they intend to empty that canteen. I don't go to the canteen anymore. I didn't get sick of the canteen, I got sick of those from "They never had enough" and the mistreatment of waiters and cooks.
I heard that he wants to...Here he is...Mr. Chairman, you will extend my time. First, I ask you to turn off the ventilation, if they are already waving these Regulations, so that they are energy efficient. To save something, some benefit from them. Wave a little faster. Wave a little more often, but please, let's save energy, when we already have several peri fans here, which are doing it successfully.
Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, I realized that my colleague, call the economist, is running away, what should we do, the truth hurts, I don't think he has read the exposition, for the simple reason that he is now running away, and secondly, I think that he no longer than he does not read the menu in this assembly.
Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, I have nothing against the fact that he screwed the Americans for a million euros. I don't hold it against him. I blame him for screwing us over millions, and here's how.
Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, can you be in 15 to 18 parliaments at the same time in 15 different destinations today? can you Can you, say, manage 15 cars on 15 different roads at the same time?
You can't, but you see he was able to manage 15 companies as a bankruptcy trustee, at the same time in 15 different destinations and receive one fee for each of them.
He received eight thousand euros per month from the "BK" company alone for four companies. And that's why when I say, I don't blame him for screwing the Americans for a million, but I blame him for screwing us for millions.
He was not the bankruptcy trustee, so that he could help himself, but help the court. He was supposed to settle the creditors. He was supposed to settle the poor people, the workers, who were left without apartments in "Delta Legal". He did not settle the creditors, he settled himself, godfather, relatives, etc.
He talks about partocracy. We elected him here as a minister, and then he started to form a party in the government. And now such a man is telling us about the party, he didn't even register it as a party, and I know why. First, it needs 10 thousand signatures or one thousand if it wants to be a minority. Given that he has several nationalities, and I don't blame him for that, he could have chosen to be Canadian, American Indian or Mohican, I don't care, he could have chosen. But he founded the so-called a non-governmental organization that I see has grown into an anti-government organization. Why? Because non-governmental organizations are not subject to the control of the Anti-Corruption Agency. That's one thing.
Number two. Non-governmental organizations, unlike political parties, can receive money from abroad. Political parties cannot do that, and if they do, they are deleted from the register. That's why that leader from them never had enough, and I'll add - none of them broke a sweat, made a lot of money on 14 companies in which he filed for bankruptcy.
How he founded the party, just a moment, now I will show you. As a minister, he writes to the members of his non-governmental, anti-governmental organization - mine and Cvijan's parliamentary group, he writes this before the 2014 election, he will certainly be part of the future ruling coalition, because the IMF and the Americans set Vučić a condition for that. That's what he writes, I enlarged it a little, as a minister, the one who is against partocracy. That's what he writes to his party members.
He says - I should take over, reunited, the Ministry of Economy and Finance, and my closest associate, godfather AS, not to mention the whole name, is there somewhere, it is this list that is without godfathers, full of godfathers, sneaks, etc., you are they said, good. AS, and my closest associate AS, the post of NBS governor after Jorgovanka Tabaković is named as ambassador after the election.
It is clear that the Americans want their reliable people in two key positions in the new Serbian government.
Gentlemen, Americans, if this is true and he should have screwed you over, and if you thought that if you put him here he would return the money he owes you there, then you are badly mistaken and we apologize for not re-elected to be the minister of general national ruin.
I believe that this is not true, but gentlemen Americans, if this is true, you have really fallen to low branches.
Ladies and gentlemen, if you expected from an electrical engineer, if you expected from an economist, a self-styled economist, that you can make a good minister, Mr. Dacic is not here, he says that he proposed him, it is the same as if you put a crown on a clown and they were expecting a king. That is impossible.
For these reasons, those waving the Rules of Procedure and the menu started not to hate the government, but to hate the state. They and these other tanned people hate the country, but I have to admit that they loved it, but only to rob.
I am not here to defend the government, but to defend the state. We went through two periods. One period in the 2000s, when we were threatened from the outside, and another period from 2012 to 2016, and in Vojvodina until XNUMX, is that second period when they cruelly robbed us from the inside.
Ladies and gentlemen, ministers, current and future Prime Ministers, current and future ministers, when I defend the country, I defend it for the simple reason that certain people and centers that threatened us in the 2000s want to threaten us again, with the help of those who have threatened us since 2012. year until XNUMX. cruelly stole.
Various events are held. They are not interested in the government in elections. They are not interested in the Assembly, as you can see, they are interested in government without elections, riots and violence.
For them, power gained through riots and violence is democracy, and power gained through elections, the Government formed in the Assembly, for them it is autocracy and dictatorship.
I would like to say something about both the birth rate and agriculture, and I think they are mutually related. Ladies and gentlemen, today there are 106 of us less than yesterday. Tomorrow there will be 106 fewer of our citizens than today. While we are sitting here, 50 to 60 of our citizens are less. Serbia is emptying itself. When we take 50 people to move away, our citizen's book thins out in favor of the book of deaths and the book of those who have moved away. For these reasons, I want to praise that part for taking the birth rate into account for the first time, because it directly threatens the village, and we have two agricultural parties, two peasant parties in this group.
Out of 4500 inhabited places, 200 villages have disappeared. A thousand villages have less than 100 inhabitants, which means that one village will die out every day. For these reasons, I want to praise the Government, given that the issue, that issue is not about agriculture and the countryside, it is an issue of security, it is an issue of sovereignty. Territories are being emptied and the white plague is the most effective ethnic cleansing. When the territories are emptied, they will be inhabited by other peoples. Cradle aggression, we have already experienced, is the most successful aggression. For these reasons, the Government should be praised for the third time, the first Government that decided to have a minister for these issues.
Those who today talk about agriculture and the countryside sent their sons to the city. You cannot have young people in the countryside and send your sons and daughters to the city. You cannot have daughters-in-law in the countryside and send your daughters to the city. You cannot talk about genetically modified organisms, when I know very well that this is a propaganda action. One is production, and the other is traffic. You have created such a situation that they cannot be produced in Serbia, but they can be imported uncontrolled through meat, milk and other products. So, your action, which you think is patriotic, is anti-patriotic. It reads - it is better to introduce it than to produce it here.
I am not an advocate of the production of genetically modified organisms, but I must tell you that entering the World Trade Organization does not necessarily mean the production of genetically modified organisms, or even trade. From case to case, it can be suspended, banned, avoided. We are not the only ones doing this, we would not be the only ones doing it, several countries would be doing it.
But let me tell you how much it was paid, when these tanned people ruled. So, on January 13, 2011, the advocate of that received, the euro was from 101 to 104 dinars during that year, 2.548.346,46 pairs. On September 22, he received from that minister 1.826.256.00 dinars from the same fund, on October 28, 1.500.000 thousand and on December 26, 80.039,00 dinars. In total, he received 5.954.665.000 dinars, in the year when Boris Tadić said that we would adopt new genetic methods of food production. Therefore, he was on their payroll, he was twice in America, and today he supposedly patriotically advocates defense against genetically modified organisms, with the fact that they could be imported, but could not be produced.
Ladies and gentlemen, without further ado, we will elect the Government, you will be the future ministers, the mandate holder will be the Prime Minister again, and that is what makes me happy. The state is a serious matter and it does not take root so easily. When we create a state, a state of the free and brave, a state of the capable, when we get it back on its feet economically, those who have not respected us until now will respect us. I will go out satisfied and go to my village, in Nove Karlovci, I will pass between Tsar Dušan and Karađorđe, I will go to my field and squeeze a clod of earth and I will say symbolically that I am glad that Serbia is rising, moreover it is not crawling, that rises. I recommend you, ladies and gentlemen, MPs and ministers, to do the same, to hold tight and protect and improve this country, because it is valued not by how it is governed, but by how the country is improved.
Ladies and gentlemen ministers, I tell you not to pay attention to the criticism of empty people and empty theories full of themselves. Dostoyevsky said - if you go along the road and stop to throw stones at every dog that barks, you will never reach your goal. Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, ministers, they are not worth it, don't stop. They are not worth time or stone. They are not worth time or stone. Thank you.
CHAIRMAN (Veroljub Arsić): Thank you.
People's deputy Aleksandar Martinović has the floor. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR MARTINOVIĆ: Dear Mr. Vučić, the SNS parliamentary group will vote for the program you presented to the National Assembly and for the candidates for ministers in the new Government of the Republic of Serbia.
For the sake of the citizens of the Republic of Serbia, and for the sake of my fellow MPs, I would like to point out that the exposé of Mandate Vučić is, I can freely say, a kind of scientific work, because in his exposé, Aleksandar Vučić touched on the absolute competence of each ministry, that is, each minister in the new government of the Republic of Serbia and no jurisdiction of any ministry has been overlooked in this exposition.
That is why this exposé has more pages than all the exposés that were read or communicated in the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia from 2001 to 2008. Because mostly all the prime ministers, i.e. all the mandate holders for the formation of the Government, understood that job purely formally, to appear in the National Assembly, they know that they have a parliamentary majority and then they read a few pages of what they considered to be the program and policy of the future Government .
In 2001, Zoran Đinđić had an exposé on thirteen and a half pages, Zoran Živković in 2003 on six and a half pages, Koštunica the first time when he formed the Government on nine pages, the second time when he formed the Government in 2007 on ten and a half pages , and Mirko Cvetković on eight and a half pages. Mr. Aleksandar Vučić's exposé, in an abbreviated version, was distributed to MPs on 67 pages. It is the best possible program for the advancement of the Republic of Serbia in the next four years.
The SNS parliamentary group will vote for the program and composition of the Government as announced by Mr. Vučić, for at least two reasons. First of all, the Government led by Aleksandar Vučić and the new Government that he will also lead achieved at least two major goals. The first is to establish macroeconomic stability in the country and to restore order in the public finance system. Mr. Vučić and his government managed to do something that few people in Serbian economic history have managed to do. I don't say that I know everything about Serbian history, but I do know something.
What succeeded for Aleksandar Vučić and his team, happened sometime at the end of the 19th century for Čedomil Mijatović, who was the Minister of Finance during the time of Milan and Aleksandar Obrenović, whom we Serbs unfairly denounced as bad rulers, and they were among the most successful rulers in Serbian history, because at that time the Serbian dinar was worth the same as the French franc and because during Obrenović's time we experienced that even the Romanian king Karol And he said - I want to make Serbia out of Romania.
Serbia is still on that path today. We used to be the pariah of Europe and everyone turned their heads away from us. Today, many countries in Europe, even those in the EU, would like to be like Serbia, because they know that Serbia is a country of order, law, economic and political stability. That is the first reason why the SNS parliamentary group will support the program and composition of the Government, Mr. Aleksandar Vučić, and the second reason is that Mr. Vučić managed to take this little Serbian ship of ours through the Scylla and Charybdis of the modern world without any damage. We Serbs have rarely succeeded in this in history.
We Serbs have a distorted consciousness that has been building for centuries, that the fate of the world depends on us and that the fate of great powers depends on us and that only we Serbs can save humanity and that no one else in the world can do it. We thought so in 1914, we thought so in 1941, we also thought so in 1991, and whenever we thought that the fate of the world depended on us and that stability in international relations depended on that little Serbian boat, we paid for it. hundreds of thousands and millions of Serbian heads. That's not happening this time.
In a situation where the political geography of the modern world has completely changed, in a situation where, unfortunately, you have terrorist attacks in the very heart of Europe, Serbia is stable, Serbia is peaceful, our children sleep peacefully. Few people have succeeded in this in today's Europe. Aleksandar Vučić and his Government succeeded, and I believe that they will succeed tomorrow too, when the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia votes for a new government of the Republic of Serbia, headed by Mr. Aleksandar Vučić.
Because we believe in a better, more advanced, safer Serbia, because we want...
I don't know why you're throwing a tantrum, Mr. Mirčić, you complained that you don't have a sticker for your car, you'll get it as early as tomorrow. Thank you, Mr. Mircic, for your kind words.
So, because our children sleep peacefully and because I want my children to continue to sleep peacefully and all the children in Serbia, you, Mr. Vučić, you and your cabinet, tomorrow will receive the unreserved support of the SNS parliamentary group and in us, the SNS deputies, you will have a faithful and reliable ally for the implementation of all those measures that you have foreseen in your exposition, so that in the next four years Serbia would be even better, even more successful than it is now.
PRESIDENT: I have the floor for the representative Aleksandar Vučić. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: It would not be fair if I did not thank you for your support and say that I am somewhat satisfied, as you know, I am never completely satisfied, with the fact that the largest number, not only the largest number, but also the largest percentage, of the parliamentary groups present , here are the members of the SNS. So, it is clear that we will have to be even more disciplined in the future and continue to change a lot of things at home, but with this we show, and with this you have shown today, our responsibility towards the citizens of Serbia, because the citizens of Serbia do not even pay the members of the Government so that they do not to be in their government and not do their job, just as they don't pay MPs to be out of the hall when we have a plenary session.
I am pleased that you behaved more disciplined and responsible. Some did not even want to listen yesterday, it was difficult for them to sit down, today they came to present arguments and figures, and you saw that we denied them literally every figure by figure, literally every one. Everything they put forward, nothing could pass.
At the end of this, as we would call it, although there is no more principled and detailed discussion on this topic, the principled discussion will continue, but by parliamentary groups, the heads of parliamentary clubs have finished, I want to say that I am very satisfied that we had not only an equal approach, it seems to me that there were more heads of opposition groups, and they had advantages there, even though they only have five or six deputies, but that we did not back down for a single second because we knew, not because we just braver or because we want to clash politically, but it is important that we did not back down because it shows our firmness, the firmness of our ideas, the firmness of our determinations, our certainty that we are doing a good thing for our country, our conviction that we are on the right path and our faith that Serbia can do even better and that Serbia can do even more.
You saw that those who I know well, how much time they spent in the Government and how much they worked, when I say: "I know you, that you can't do much", that they have nothing to say. Because I know, they worked with me. There are people I've worked with that I won't say anything about, because I can't. That is why what I say is believed, because regardless of whether someone is a major or minor political opponent of mine, I will speak the truth. In this fight, when we come to answer to the National Assembly, there will be things where you have to say - yes, it's okay, you're right. But we had a lot of arguments, a lot of things that we could boast about, but there was also a lot that we criticized ourselves, and it's good that even today we heard words of criticism on certain issues, and we will have to correct those things.
That is why it is important that we quickly pass the law on the origin of property and many other laws that we talked about today. Because we're going to do one more thing, don't forget, it's not a revenge law, it's not a law against anybody, not against any tycoon or politician or anybody, it's a law that we're going to make that whoever has a "Porsche" and the "ferrari", which I already talked about in my exposition, cannot report to the Serbian state that he is on the minimum wage and receives 22.000 dinars, because you need to receive 22.000 dinars for 22 years to be able to do that to buy without eating in the meantime and without drinking water, which is not realistic, you will agree, and more than that. So, with that, we will introduce some people from the gray zone, I would rather say black than gray zones, into legal and regular streams. Someone will have to report their income. For us, the average salary is 405 euros. It is not, the average salary is 405 euros, it is higher. Because you have literally 30 or 40 percent of employers who pay the minimum in order to pay the minimum tax to the state because that's what the release of 11 thousand goes to, I don't even know what, and then they donate up to 30, 40 and 50 thousand in cash. We all know that in Serbia and we all talk about it. This, along with an increase in the minimum wage, which is good news for the poorest workers, will go some way to changing that.
Today I am desperate for another reason that I have not told you. This morning I received a report from the Tax Administration at the Government of Serbia. I receive a report from the tax administration that went to inspect dozens of restaurants in seven or eight cities in Serbia. Let's say, out of 90 facilities, 83-84 are about to be closed due to non-registration of turnover through the fiscal cash register, another inspection due to non-reporting of workers, etc. So, we, the people, are talking about huge tax evasion and much higher incomes that we can have, even though our incomes are much better than they were before.
We have to ask every citizen to ask for a fiscal account in every place. They have nothing to ask you - do you pay by card or cash, he brings you a fiscal bill, and you pay as you wish. Only if you need to enter a number, then it can ask you what your number is or enter it yourself, if it is not for your signature. But people need to know that and we need to know about it everywhere.
This is something that we have to talk about everywhere and people have to know that, because you cheated yourself when you don't take the fiscal bill, because you will have less school, you will have less road, you will have less hospital. We use that money to finance hospitals and schools, we have no other way to finance it. It's impossible to find money on the other side, but if you get a list of 90 facilities, 84 of which are about to be closed, and they just chose those where there is currently something, stronger traffic, are there mountains, spas, etc., is that possible? Is it possible that we cannot educate ourselves?
We have a lower VAT than 90% of the surrounding countries. Only Bulgaria has 20%. For catering establishments, Romania is the lowest and there is no one lower. Croatia and Hungary 25, 27%. My friend Orvan is now downsizing especially for restaurants and now I'm watching how he wants to do it. If it goes well, just as we took over tourism vouchers from the Finns, we will take over some other ideas, that's not a problem. But we have to be more disciplined.
You know what they say in our country - let it go, I screwed up the country. Well, you didn't screw up the country, you screwed up yourself. The country is you. Your country is your plane, your road, your street and everything else. In the end, you ask the state for that. The state is also a policeman who protects you.
And here, now some people are rightfully protesting, from Gavrila Princip Street in Belgrade, because of the unhygienic conditions for their living, because of other things and they did not agree on anything, because of the large presence of migrants where you cannot keep people in a cage, and then people feel unsafe, insecure and now we struggle with what to do. But in order for you to hire police officers and for the police officers to work, someone has to pay them. Well, when you don't take the fiscal bill, they are not paid. That's all people need to understand, that you didn't help someone with the fiscal bill, you destroyed yourself.
I took that example just to show how undisciplined we are towards ourselves. In Germany, Switzerland, Austria, they won't even think of doing that, they won't think. There is no such culture. Well, the state didn't give it to me. Well, she gave it to you, it's not true that she didn't give it to you. She gave you, she gave each of us a lot and we all got our education much cheaper, I won't say free, because there is no such thing as free education. Schooled much cheaper than anywhere else in the world, the state paid for it. She paid for our roads and hospitals and many other things. We treat ourselves badly. We have problems, the state mostly pays. I don't count those who go to a private person and pay in cash.
In order for the state to function, we have to be disciplined and we have to respect that state. What do you think makes some people uncomfortable when you talk about certain topics? They are able to say all kinds of things when you are not there and when you are not in a position to fight back. And when I'm here and when I'm able to answer, well then - hey. It's easy to hit the sack, but it's not so easy to hit, or to get in the ring and fight.
That's why Serbia is the most important for us, and that's why we have to change that in our country, if we succeed. If we fail, we will neither be the first nor the last nation that will slowly lose everything it has acquired over the centuries. That is why I am grateful to you for your discipline and for your combativeness. For showing that you are not a punching bag and for showing that you are able to fight for your country and not make calculations about it.
Thank you once again, and I apologize if I took up a lot of your time today and answered everyone else, but I wanted to show that I will not allow someone to insult us, that someone say the worst possible things and that remain unanswered and that he thinks that we are very afraid of them and that we must not answer falsehoods.
You heard a little while ago, he says, two billion euros, then you show that it is several times less and there is no answer and no one cares, we lied, we made it up. No problem, we'll repeat it another 5.000 times, and so on for everything else. They keep talking about some criminals and I don't know why, when I say - come on, talk about it, they will, but when I'm not there. When they are alone. After listening to those meaningless and false stories, about how my brother took the restaurant, about how he is the owner of some agricultural land where he has never been, he doesn't even know where it is, he has no idea what it is about, until, I don't know , the worst possible insults and the worst possible lies.
Do you want me to remind you that for some time they were talking about how Serbia has 130.000 policemen, how Chinese medicines are bad because they are for small people? How much longer with those lies. You laugh, you don't remember that, Marjan remembers, that's what Dragan Veselinov said, they even threw away some medicines, which Vjerica says is because they said, the Chinese make medicines, they're not for us, they're for little people. You can believe. And why did they do that? Because they say, the Chinese will vote for one political option, that's why they bring them here. What madness we were going through. Well, that's why I'm not going to let this madness go by without an answer. And that's why I'm here and I patiently respond to every insult, every word they say and I'm not going to give up on that.
And what I can promise you is that I will fight all the time and that it will not be difficult for me to come to the National Assembly at least once a month to answer, although none of the previous prime ministers did it in such a way and it is not so much was coming. Because I want to show that we are ready for dialogue, that we are ready for duels, but there is no problem with real duels, so let's see whose arguments are stronger. And, not that, we are going to say something against someone somewhere, without that person being there.
When I speak, I speak about Serbia and I never speak about anyone else when I'm alone. I only respond to them when I speak about them in their presence and I only respond and nothing more, and that's where I differ. This is how gentlemen behave, this is how political gentlemen behave. And those who stick to it, those in politics have a chance, and those who work according to the principle - hit the bag, hit while the opponent is not there, and when he is there, run away and retreat faster. Believe me, you will not succeed in politics.
That's why I'm satisfied that you were brave and wanted to defend our positions and that you didn't back down even though everyone predicted a bad fate for you, saying how we're going to fail, disappear, how they're going to ruin us. Here we saw today how the day went, so let the citizens of Serbia have enough arguments to judge. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: Since there are no more heads of parliamentary groups on the list, that is, authorized representatives of parliamentary groups, we move on to the discussion in the order of MPs according to applications for the floor.
Deputy Muamer Zukorlić has the floor. Here you go.
MUAMER ZUKORLIĆ: Ladies and gentlemen, MPs, candidates for members of the Government, presidents, individuals, families, communities that have the capacity to negotiate, have their own future.
The Bosniak Democratic Community of Sandžak has reached an agreement with SNS that they will work together to open a new page in Bosniak-Serb relations. This would mean that members of my people in this country at all levels of government, institution after institution will have the opportunity to participate equally according to their own quality under equal conditions.
This would mean that we will jointly make all the necessary effort to definitely what has marked our past, which is more than a hundred years of occasional conflicts, unfortunately, with numerous crimes and up to genocide, that we will try to use our past as energy for the future in in the sense of teaching so that it would never happen again.
We are fed up with more relationships in which we consider each other a problem and even a danger. We have had enough of relationships where they call us Turks and we call them Vlachs or some other names, especially in absence, and when we meet with a bit of courtesy something nicer.
I think that we, and especially our future generations, have and have the right to a different future. I know it won't be easy, but I firmly believe that's why I came and was elected to this parliament as a representative of my people and all the citizens who voted for me and my colleague in order to lend a hand and give a chance for a different future.
We agreed to work together to eliminate all anomalies in our relations, so that the Serbian majority people, i.e. its members, when they hear the term Sandžak with all that it means, do not see it as a danger and a concern for their country. I want my people and compatriots, when they hear the word and concept of Serbia, not to see in it a danger and some kind of usurpation. I think that it is possible to change our future with joint forces based on agreement.
We agreed to work together in the field of improving education, improving individual and collective rights in this country, to work together in the field of pacifying society, because we are witnessing that violence and the culture of violence are rampant everywhere. We agreed to work on a policy of reconciliation, we agreed to act together against crime and corruption throughout the country, especially in Sandzak, where a few drug cartels have dominated for decades.
On these values and principles....
CHAIRPERSON: Please bring it to an end.
MUAMER ZUKORLIĆ: ... and because of my five minutes, I want to announce that the People's Deputies of the Bosniak Democratic Union will support this Government.
True, if we had the opportunity selectively, maybe two candidates would not get our support, but since we are voting in a package, we will vote for the offered composition. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: Thank you.
Mandate Aleksandar Vučić has the floor. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: I just want to say a few words. Of course, it is very important what kind of relations we will have, whatever you call it, in the Raška region, Sandžak or in Novi Pazar, Tutin, Sjenica, Varoš, Priboj, Prijepolje, it is important that those relations are better and it is important that we talk.
When we started talking to the Albanians, people said - there is no agreement, one, the other or the third has not been done. Even today, as much as we can complain about countless things and say that the Serbs are threatened, especially in the Metohija villages where they return east of Klina, the situation is incomparably better, those attacks are less frequent, incidents too. It is important for us to talk. We want you to feel the Republic of Serbia as your own country, just as we Bosniaks want to feel as a friendly and very close people to us.
I have said that several times, I have discussed it with Rasim, it seems to me countless times before, and I have discussed it with you. I think that Serbs and Bosniaks cannot live next to each other as we can with some other nations. We will have to live with each other and not in the next year or two, the next five years, but we will have to do it in the next hundred years.
Anything else would be a disaster for both Serbs and Muslims. I have no illusions about that. I have heard countless proposals, as you say, from this side of ours, and from that side of yours. None of them were particularly smart, especially since I know how those stupid proposals can destroy years of life and how they can destroy entire nations and countries.
We will look at and continue to invest in Sjenica, Tutin, Pazar, Prijepolje, Priboj, and Varoš, as well as in other parts of Serbia, and I think that in the previous period, Rasim, it seems to me that we invested more than before, especially in Pazar . Of course that is not enough. I know how many roads are missing and I know that Bosniaks often think that it is because we will not connect Bosniak villages, that is not the reason. We have the same problem with Serbian villages. We lack thousands of kilometers of asphalt roads, but we will look to see if we invest there and we want all Bosniaks to be satisfied and we as the Government will do our best and I believe that we will do our best on that issue, which is a key issue, which is not an issue of political parties or anything else, to be able to make compromises and agreements, but above all to always be able to talk. In that regard, I am very grateful for your discussion this evening. Thanks again.
PRESIDENT: On what basis, Mr. Zukorlić? Here you go.
MUAMER ZUKORLIĆ: I would just like to make one small intervention.
I would like to ask the representative, as well as all other MPs, that when they have in mind the ethnic determinant Bosniaks, to use Bosniaks, if we are going to talk about the religious category, then to say Muslims. I think it is very important to be precise because of the spirit of dialogue, reconciliation and trust. We have seen that very often designations and designations cause various negative reflections, so I would ask that we keep that in mind. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.
MP Zoran Živković has the floor. Here you go.
ZORAN ŽIVKOVIĆ: Dear citizens, if someone watches something on the Internet since there is of course no TV broadcast, ladies and gentlemen, they say it's been a hundred days since the election and more than a hundred days, and here we are, probably tomorrow.
Citizens voted, some parties won the majority, it is completely natural for them to form the Government. The most normal thing is for the president of that government to be the president of the largest party in that coalition. It's all normal. It is completely normal to write the work plan of that Government, for the mandate holder to give his presentation, and that is all correct.
There are some things that are not normal. There is no reason to wait a hundred days if someone has a dominant majority after the election. Citizens voted as they voted so vividly, after voting there is no regret for at least a few years, but it is completely pointless to write an exposé of two hundred, three hundred, six pages just so that it will last six hours. What's the point of that? Where in the world did any representative read his exposé for several hours? It's completely pointless. None of the deputies present here could remember more than 5% of it. To give it in written form is completely fine, but to read it, it is a completely meaningless thing.
What happened? It happened that this is another proof of politics - the state, that's me. We hear that in every sentence - I pay pensioners, I pay workers, I pay "Sartid", I pay for highway works. Oh no, oh, on the contrary, oh, it's a budget that is filled with the money of the citizens of Serbia, and the obligation of someone who is currently the highest state official or functionary is to do it in the best possible way.
Smart people don't talk about their cleverness, brave people don't talk about their courage, honorable people don't talk about their honor, honest people don't talk about their honesty.
Security is one topic that is in the exposition and it is of course an important topic. The question is once again what about the helicopter? No one is to blame. It's been more than a year, nobody's fault. Barracks, barracks were demolished by jerks, fools and idiots from the city government, I quote the mandar who said that almost 100 days ago. Tell us who these people are, so that we know who these fools are and that they be punished, of course.
I said last time that you have in your proposal a minister who is mentioned in the case files in the trial of the murderers of Zoran Đinđić, and this is repeated even today. You also have a candidate for minister of foreign affairs who took a picture the other day in America without knowing it, but that is no excuse, with the leader of the largest criminal clan on that continent. The question is why do we have daily attacks on the Ombudsman from state bodies by officials? That's not security. Patriotism is related to it. Don't defend the Serbs anymore. Where you defended the Serbs, there are no more Serbs there. Of course, there is no new "Storm", because no one can expel the Serbs from Serbia, and the "Storm" has already passed.
Economy, we have the lowest wages in the region. We have the highest debt, we have the lowest investments this year, the worst roads, the worst schools, the worst railways, the worst hospitals. That is the state of our economy if the deficit is reduced or is smaller than ever. God grant that it is so. It's just one parameter.
I proposed the Law on the Government, where an amendment to Article 11 is requested, so that it should read - before the election of the Government, each proposed member of the Government must submit to the National Assembly a medical certificate of health fitness to establish employment in state bodies. I don't know why anyone is afraid of that. It's a completely normal thing.
Finally, the Law on the Origin of Property has been talked about for decades, even in the last few years. Bring it, of course, I can't wait, but just to give one piece of advice to the representative. In the existing law, called the Law on Tax Procedure and Tax Administration, there are enough mechanisms to investigate the origin of anyone's property. So, according to Article 42, 45 and some other articles, the tax administration has to call the citizen and ask him - where did you get that from, what are the sources of financing for this and that? Why is it not used? That's a question for all of you.
I wish you successful work. Of course…
(Chairman: Bring it to an end, colleague Živković.)
But I'm afraid it won't happen like it did the past two or three times. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: I have the floor for the representative Aleksandar Vučić. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: I thought I wouldn't even answer, but I'll repeat it one more time, primarily because of the fact that I'm not going to allow innocent people to be smeared all the time. They don't even know why, but I guess it's something close to their hearts.
The helicopter they mentioned, they don't know what to say. I will remind the citizens, they invented how Zlatibor Lončar was waiting at the airport with journalists. They lied about that from certain public services. There is no falsehood that they have not uttered. The prosecution made a decision. Do not destroy the legal order of this country, put pressure on the prosecutors to possibly change their decisions or I don't know what they are doing, since the prosecutors made their decision and unequivocally said that there is no criminal-legal responsibility.
You asked for the report of the Military Commission. When you got the report of the Military Commission, you were bothered by the report of the Military Commission. Whatever is done, everything bothers you if it is not in accordance with what you expect, if it is not in accordance with what you think is the only important solution and the only important one. So much the worse for the truth, so much the worse for the arguments.
You say - an honest man does not talk about honesty, an honorable man does not talk about honor. I'm just going to mention the two things you talked about today. One is tonight, one is today. You talked about health and health examinations. Now draw your own conclusion. You spoke today at the press conference and tonight you spoke about the fact that I spoke so much and so much just to measure something. No, I spoke because I thought it was important to present a serious and responsible plan and program to the citizens of Serbia, because my plan and program took many days and nights to complete. Yours of six pages could be done in seven minutes. I could write that much by hand. Fortunately, you stayed that long in the position of Prime Minister. I guess in accordance with the exposition, that is the length of the mandate.
But, what I wanted to tell you, today you said about that measurement that men probably measure some other things in such and such a way when they are young. Is it related to honesty and honor? Well, who's talking about that? If only people in Serbia knew what they are doing and what they are doing, and the more powerlessness is expressed, the more that relationship will be like this.
Of all the arguments, we have heard that our investments are the least. Coincidentally, our investments are the biggest, but you don't know anything about it, but what am I going to tell you. It is not worth adding anything here. I wish you a lot of success and successful work and I'm sorry that I even contacted you to answer anything. I'm not sure it made much sense either. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: You are welcome, Mr. Živković.
ZORAN ŽIVKOVIĆ: Replica. Thank you.
I have talked about many things, but I will repeat some of them. First, the fact that Mr. Lončar was at the airport on the night when the helicopter fell is written in the Army documentation. There is a transcript of the conversation between the control tower or whatever the tower is called and the crews. That's what it says and it was published on the website of the Ministry of Defense. I have it. I can give you. It says precisely - the minister is in Surčin, waiting for you. I was just monitoring the communication. That's what it says. Check with the Ministry of Defense.
No investments, of course, no investments at all. There is nothing about big announcements, let's not talk about "Ikarbus" and "Mercedes", let's not talk about the fact that the "Belgrade on the water" tower will overshadow Belgrade, that it will be completed first by the end of this year. That is your statement as well. If you have investments, the Chinese are coming, they can't wait to start working. Nothing is being done in "Sartid" any more than it has been done until now, and it is the same management that you brought in that created the biggest debts in the history of that "Sartid".
You talked about employment. 15 years ago, the number of unemployed people in Serbia was 736.000. You said today that today is seven hundred and five, six thousand. In 15 years, 30.000 people, I'm sorry, that can't be a good result.
It would be very nice if Serbia could live in that world of yours where you live, where you think that you are the only smart one and that you can share who is smart and who is not, who knows something, and that you know everything yourself. I'm sorry, that's not normal.
(Chairman: Two minutes, Mr. Živković.)
And as for the length, I said that if someone brings down ... (Mic off.) ... To measure the length, that's what men do when they're younger.
PRESIDENT: I have the floor.
ALEKSANDAR VUCIĆ: I don't know if you heard this simpleton, but it's good that people heard. I didn't do that, Mr. Zivkovic. Those bar tricks of yours…
(Zoran Živković: Which ones?)
But don't shout and don't interrupt me. Those bar tricks where you measure the length, I didn't measure the length. I measured intelligence. But it seems that everyone measures what they have, and the question is what is at stake.
To answer you, you heard me well. And they said on the public service that Lončar was there with journalists to take pictures, and the fact that he was alone, that's his job, to wait for the child as the Minister of Health. But you didn't listen to what I said. They said that he was there all the time with the journalists, that he set it up for taking pictures and for his own promotion. You lied about that being the reason he was there. You based the whole story on that. Everything was organized by Minister Lončar, he asked to pick up the child. It is completely logical, he is the Minister of Health. The baby is dying, the baby needs to be saved, and he says - please, can you send a helicopter. And you said that he was with journalists to take pictures, but there were no journalists. Well, that's the point.
Your problem is that your arrogant street tricks don't go over well with those people who have enough courage to stand up to such arrogant people. As long as I live, I will have the courage to stand up to you. I was never afraid of you, I'm not afraid of you today and I won't be afraid of you tomorrow either. Never in my life.
Something else about "Icarbus". The Icarbus, unlike when you destroyed it, is working today. I can't say that we are absolutely happy, but it works, it produces, it pays salaries.
As for the tower, it is being built. Welcome to Belgrade on the water to see how beautiful it is there. Much more beautiful than what you left for the citizens of Nis. Much more beautiful than what you left for the citizens of Serbia. Please go for a walk and enjoy yourself. There you can measure beauty, to have something better to measure.
As for "Sartid", unlike those who left us an empty factory, desolate, 5.000 people without work, unlike those who told us - this factory can never work, we, you see, found Chinese who work there and who will work there. And we no longer have anything to do with that, except that we are happy about the fact that 5.050 people are working and that another 5.000 subcontractors are working together with them. That's why I'm happy and that's the difference between me and you.
I cannot measure what you would like to measure. I would measure work, measure knowledge and measure education, whether you like it or not. I think that citizens of Serbia are interested in that much more than your measuring units.
PRESIDENT: Right to reply.
People's deputy Aleksandar Antic. Here you go.
ALEKSANDAR ANTIĆ: I requested a reply as the deputy president of the parliamentary group of the Socialist Party of Serbia because of Mr. Živković's thesis regarding the president of the Socialist Party of Serbia, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and his, as he stated, meetings during his visit to the USA.
I am not in the habit of reacting to pointless discussions in the parliament, but since this also affects the party, I really have to say that this discussion and especially the fact that the president of a party has five minutes of discussion made me hope that those five minutes will be used wisely. and not for meaningless claims.
Mr. Dacic, in his capacity as Minister of Foreign Affairs, on an official visit to New York, i.e., the UN headquarters, visited the SPC, which was burned down in a fire shortly before that, and on that occasion, at the site of the fire, he met with the clergy and members of the church board and talked with them about the suffering that has befallen our compatriots in the USA and it really wasn't his job to check the security of the church board members and the people the clergy invited there. The connotation of Mr. Živković is senseless and malicious, especially when it comes from the mouth of someone who in his political past had several contacts with people from security-doubt categories, who participated in the organization of the October 5 coup...
(Chairman: Time.)
... of the parliament and all the other, let's say, criminal activities that were part of it.
(Zoran Živković: Replica.)
PRESIDENT: On what basis, Mr. Živković?
(Zoran Živković adds.)
He didn't say that, he was just answering your questions that you asked.
Deputy Vladimir Đukanović has the floor.
VLADIMIR ĐUKANOVIĆ: Thank you, chairman.
You know, if the law proposed by the previous speaker had been valid in 2003, he would never have been prime minister. I have no doubts about that, but you know one of the reasons why you are talking about this today, Mr. Vučić, is why our country is falling apart and why it has been robbed, precisely because, when you finish your prime ministerial mandate, you receive a non-refundable subsidy for the vineyard and never pay it back it to the state. That's how they worked and thank God they will never work like that again, but unfortunately the country has failed significantly.
The thing, Mr. Vučić, that I can envy you, and I believe that many world politicians envy you, is because you have this kind of opposition. I don't think any leader will ever have this kind of opposition again. While there is no winter for this government. Really, it's my fault, I would like them to appear in the media as much as possible. We have heard so much nonsense here today, so much nonsense that it is truly terrifying. I believe that all of us members of the ruling majority here can give a more meaningful criticism of the Government's account and work than they did.
I really have to state and I am very disappointed that we really do not have an opposition, because it is not good for a society if it does not have an opposition. Unfortunately, if such people represent the opposition, I really have to state that this is their problem. But whatever.
I will, of course, refer back to the exposition that you have presented here, very thoroughly and much better than some people in your position have done in the past. You're wrong, it wasn't 20 minutes, it was 10 minutes. Mr. Cvetković presented for 10 minutes, I remember it well, on four sheets of paper and it was something that was really inappropriate, and he became the prime minister of a country.
What I am expressing as pessimism is exactly what you have been trying to do here for several years, which is to change the consciousness of our people. I host a show and I often talk to our people and what cannot be changed in any way and it is something that is a complete disaster and what generally hurts and disappoints me, and that is the fact that we cannot get out of the self-governing socialism. We still think about how the state should support me, how the state should give me, how the state must provide me with education, how it must provide me with treatment. Everything has to be done by the state, and when you ask them what you will give to the state, then no one will give anything to the state. Because I guess they learned to live in the system here, I don't really care, this regime is good, I can not work and lie down, and yet they drip money on me. It can't be like that, to be honest, I think that you will have to do some things with decrees, as Kemal Pasha Ataturk did. Because it is impossible to change some things here.
Let's say, I used to go to a village, Banat Municipality Alibunar. You talk to the peasants after the new Law on Cooperatives was passed, of course colleagues from the opposition have no idea that the new Law on Cooperatives was passed and you tell those people to unite, but those neighbors drink beer with each other every night and say - no, we don't we can join together, let the state give us two hectares and we will work. Then you see that it is something that is completely incredible.
Secondly, we have a terrible division in society, we act like in the movie "Three Tickets to Hollywood" when the global crisis related to Cuba is being solved and neither Khrushchev nor Kennedy can solve it, but in one village we were divided and they fought to the point of extermination, the whole village was arrested precisely because of that. That's how we really operate today. We are divided here between those who are for the Russians and those who are for the Americans, and that is not normal. At least we wonder what we will do for Serbia.
I can't hide it, it's somehow in the Slavic soul, in the Slavic being, after Serbia, Republika Srpska, of course I love the Russian Federation the most, and it's stupid to hide it, but of course I love Serbia the most. I would never do anything in my life for someone else's interest, but I would work exclusively for the interest of my country, because I love it the most in the world. And no, we have a terrible situation here that this one non-governmental stream accuses some representatives of the government, they say you are representatives of some Russian power, then others say no, you are complete cynics, why are you here and no one is talking about Serbia.
This is the same division as we have between Chetniks and Partisans, that today between Zvezda and Partizan, Karađorđević supporters and Obrenović supporters, and that continues. Whatever comes here we still share. You will have a big problem in a few days, of course, in the media. Not so much in society, but more in the media because it is deliberately underlined, for example when there is rehabilitation, that is, the trial of Milan Nedić. I claim that there will be more controversy about it and it will be the main news, and it will not be the main news that we have economic growth, that some investments are coming here, that we are reducing unemployment. I don't know if you notice, but it's not news at all in our media. It's a complete disaster.
We deal with nonsense, trivial things. Let's say about those three sheds in Sava Mali, I should be the first to be the first to be sad that they were demolished, I spent most of my youth in one of the taverns. To be honest. I'm sorry that it doesn't exist anymore, but you know, I much prefer Belgrade to progress because I want it to
Belgrade is progressing.
I can't watch, people seem to enjoy those bushes, those thorns, those feces, excuse me, and those prostitutes that the pimps lead in that Pizza Park, that's the living truth. Not to mention the drug addicts walking around. I don't know who can enjoy that, the wrecks, the ships. This is their legacy, what they left us in Belgrade. We go out on two rivers, we can be the Balkan Rio de Janeiro, but nobody here wants to talk about it at all. When someone tries to create something, he is immediately retrograde, he is immediately hindered, campaigns are conducted, why? Because you want something better.
Of course, I will wholeheartedly support the current government. I wish her well. The only thing with which I cannot agree with you at all, and yet I hope that because I want the state to show its authority, you know that I am a big fan of Crvena Zvezda and I would give anything for that club, today I watch the game exclusively from the North Stand , but let Zvezda be relegated to the fourth league, let Partizan also be relegated, so what. Glasgow Rangers were relegated. Don't let more states subsidize our clubs, neither Zvezda, nor Partizan, nor Vojvodina, nor any other club, because that money can be directed to investments, it can be directed to some socially vulnerable people, don't waste it anymore. Everything else is a lie, those clubs must be privatized, unless we want to watch the finals in European competitions in August. The only way for these clubs to prosper is exclusively through privatization, and please implement that. Thank you.
PRESIDENT: I have the floor.
ALEKSANDAR VUČIĆ: I just want to say thank you and now either you allow us to have more members of the Government on a technical mandate leave the hall or we continue in the morning at ten o'clock, since we have big problems with the storm in Požega, Bajnobaštani region and otherwise in the Zlatibor region. At least four members of the Government would have to leave, maybe even five members would have to leave.
Just tell us what you want, I'm especially asking political opponents. I see they want tomorrow at ten o'clock, as you decide, that is my request, but whatever you say, I will certainly stay here.
PRESIDENT: I think it is better for the ministers to be where they should be, than to continue working today.
I'm calling a break.
We resume work tomorrow at 10,00:XNUMX a.m. I thank you.
(The session was adjourned at 22,05:XNUMX.)
