"It will be a great shame for the whole society when this is over. I don't know how we will cope when all the monstrosity of this regime begins to unravel, with which people have cohabited, accepted it or were a part of it. These are amazing things that somehow happened. I always had the hope that it would accumulate somewhere, that at some point it would escalate, that the ulcer must burst."
Swallow from Zrenjanina - said the activist, founder of the New Optimism organization and deputy of the Green-Left Front in the Assembly of Vojvodina Branislav Guta Grubacki represents when he finds himself outside his hometown. This happens often because, as he says, he has traveled the length and breadth of Vojvodina. He knows, he adds, its roads and cities, knows how it breathes. Hence, he has the need to make a social contribution with his knowledge and experience. As another important aspect of his activity, he emphasizes the work on the culture of memory. However, he adds that, unfortunately, it has become a platitude, and it shouldn't be like that.
Branislav Guta Grubački has a beautiful jubilee behind him - the New Optimism movement, which he founded, celebrated its 10th anniversary on December 20. The following event was titled: "Gathering for Serbia in which to live".
It could be said that this is exactly the topic of our conversation. At the beginning of the year, Grubački predicted that the "unnatural state" in society was coming to an end; eleven months later, he still believes that change is inevitable.
BRANISLAV GUTA GRUBAČKI: The scourge of disguised radicals has lasted for more than 12 years. I said from the beginning that it was unsustainable in the long term, but I predicted badly. Because 12 years is too long. However, things are so unnatural that they must come to an end. He seems to be getting closer, but it doesn't necessarily mean it will be this year. The most important thing is that there is no longer a chance to regenerate this regime, that the false halo of a builder that Aleksandar Vučić took over has now been taken away from him. The king is naked - he is not a builder, but, with his corrupt team, he is a murderer, including 15 people at the railway station in Novi Sad.
"WEATHER" Although you say you are a bad forecaster, when did the FDU blockade begin?-a, you stated that students from other faculties could join them, as well as some wider social groups. That turned out to be true.. When should you forecast the further course of the protests now?, what would you say?
January 1 could be welcomed in a completely different context. There are two weeks left until the New Year. Here's an idea - don't celebrate the New Year in the squares, let everyone be at home, humble, sad, as befits. And then for everyone to take to the streets on January 1st at 11.52:XNUMX a.m. and for it to be the largest gathering so far. To start the year like this, to be the beginning of the end. In all cities, in all places, send a message that nothing has been forgotten in the past year.
Is there energy for such a thing, especially locally? For example, you often travel on the Belgrade route - Zrenjanin - Novi Sad. How the mood differs?
Many times more people gathered at the last protest in Zrenjanin than when I was there the first time. These are merged courts, in the provinces maybe the lights come on a little later, they wait to see how things unfold in the bigger cities, maybe they are organized more slowly, but I have no doubt at all that the mood is exactly the same in all three cities, that all three cities are the same they think.
Earlier, after a certain time, the protests would start to die down and then they would just die down. You say it's different now.. Why?
Aleksandar Vučić's "new optimism" is that attendance at protests will begin to decline. I don't think that will happen. It was necessary for the students to really stand up, and I always believed in them. We at "New Optimism" awarded last year's prize to Students Against Violence, which were later renamed to Borba. The regime underestimated the youth. They thought that the youth was anesthetized by the constant exchange of theses, from the Megatrend campaign "Graduate and fail" to the fact that the majority of young people in Serbia do not see a future after graduating from college.
On the other hand, I cannot know for sure how much what is happening right now is based on values, ideologically, how much young people know what the European Union is, what European values are, what the rule of law is, and what media freedom is. However, I believe that most of them know, but that they simply did not show it in the past time. As if it didn't concern them, as if they really wanted to they graduate and fail from here.
How do you assess the government's response to the demands of young people?, but also to the demands of the opposition?
I think for the first time the regime has a choice between two bads. Until now, they have managed to get out of the sea of extremely hopeless situations through tricks and manipulations. After "Ribnikar", Dubona and Mali Orašje, it seemed impossible for the regime to get out. So there is no relaxation even now. People here lack fitness, lack self-confidence, lack enthusiasm. Is it because this is taking too long, more than 30 years? Someone has spent their entire working life doing it and they are tired. People, if they want someone to respect their integrity, must show a minimum of dignity and initiative to change this. The excuse of not doing something because of the children is completely wrong. Because it is for the sake of the children that it should be done. This regime is hostile to any citizen who shows that he will not be its servant. It is not a matter of any political competition and struggle or political elections.
There is talk of the possibility of early elections as a way out of the political crisis. How realistic is such a scenario?
At the congress of the Green-Left Front, there was talk about it. The position is that every political party that participates in the political scene must be ready for elections. But that's really off topic now. Vučić will probably try to get away with it. I have already said that he is choosing between two bad things - that it will end at some point in his overthrow in the street or his overthrow in the elections. This must be pushed to the end first. There is no chance of agreeing to the elections now, so that Vučić imports several hundred thousand voters from neighboring countries, our compatriots, who agree to play that inappropriate role. The consequences of inaction by the regime and the people who listen to it are underestimated, but this time it will not pass.
If the elections are not the next step of the opposition, what is it? You mentioned that it would be good to start the next year with protests. And then?
Damir Zobenica, who organized thugs to disrupt commemorative gatherings, and then resigned from the position of vice-president and deputy of the Assembly of Vojvodina, will have to face criminal charges. Now the topic is the Speaker of the Parliament, Balint Juhas. We will also reach Maja Gojković. We should stop playing. I know what people want, I hear those stories: we have to find a policy, we have to say what people should be, we have to be competent... But that doesn't exist. There is one man who can make sense of everything in 24 hours. I do not agree to be part of that political agenda. On Tuesday, the budget topic is on the agenda in the Assembly of Vojvodina. We should, as it were, talk about the budget that was projected on the basis of the budget that was, as it were, adopted in the republican parliament. At the same time, the budget of Vojvodina is smaller by almost 40 million euros this year. Why? Is the reason Expo? There someone spills and takes as he thinks.
I am not a high-ranking political official, I am more of an activist. In this case, we from the province followed the initiative of the first blockades of the court and prosecutor's office in Novi Sad by the city councilors. It was logical for me to offer all my capacity and possible credibility to people who are doing something even now, as we speak. I think the opposition has shown itself. But that narrative also frustrates me - first they are the worst, then they are great, and the reality is that they are neither. They are what they are. We have to come to terms with the fact that they are also part of this society, and not isolated individuals, phantoms, supermen, who should solve all problems on behalf of all citizens. Even citizens cannot be completely amnestied. It will be a great shame for the whole society when this is over. I don't know how we will cope when all the monstrosity of this regime begins to unravel, with which people either cohabited, or accepted it, or were a part of it. These are amazing things that somehow happened. I always had the hope that it would settle somewhere, that at some point it would escalate, that the ulcer must burst. It is mine to work and that saves me. And I only deal with things in which I have insight and where I have influence.
For example?
I have insight into the organization of activities in Novi Sad, I have contacts with councilors in order to know what the plans are. I have an influence on my environment to join it, so that we can all help. I am not concerned with what is in Aleksandar Vučić's head. In this case, I don't even know what the political parties in Belgrade will do. I would give this advice to all citizens: deal with matters in which you have insight and influence. I'm not interested in useless messages, advice, forecasts, I'm interested in action. I was not sure about the blockade of the court in Novi Sad, I was even a little skeptical. But I had confidence, I woke up at four in the morning, came from Belgrade, picked up some people along the way and was in front of the courthouse before seven. I'm not lamenting. For example, they recently removed the license plates from my car, which I still haven't been able to recover. I could have said that morning that I don't have a car and won't come. But who cares? Who does it help? Lament is the hell of activism. I don't appreciate it at all, and with certain people I even despise it. You met me on the street and you say: "Oh, how terrible!". I invite you to come and do something, but you are not there.
You recently celebrated the 20th anniversary of New Optimism. How do, during all those years, changed the approach to civic activism?
I started with activism in 1991 when I opened "Green Bell". The war has begun. I could not remain mute, and I was not in any organization, I was not part of a political party. I believed that I should be active by sending anti-war messages, messages of peace and the harmfulness of nationalistic madness to those around me. I had very little influence, but I had the desire to express my position clearly back then. "Green Bell" came out of a private company that was a public good. In contrast to today, when we have public goods that have been privatized by someone. We were also involved in cultural activism. But I realized that after 2012 it doesn't make any sense.
Why?
For a few more years, we lived with cultural moments and projects, we tried to do all kinds of things. In 2016, I realized that the regime's pressure on me was so great that I had to close that company and distance myself from that legacy, even though it is great, and start a new page. I came to Belgrade where we established a new office. Civic initiatives, which received the New Optimism award this year, are the closest to us, and I think, the most deserving for our survival these eight years.
Are you feeling the pressures you're talking about now??
I have two adult daughters that I can't do anything about. I am 61 years old, I don't care about myself at all. In the past decades, they have already done everything they could to me, except physical attacks. They robbed my bars, they excommunicated me from public life, during the war in 1999 the Green Bell was "shot", and after a few years it was burned. And no one answered.
How to establish dialogue in such a society?
I think that the only thing that can be negotiated with the regime of Aleksandar Vučić is how to hand over power without violence, about the transitional government and the implementation of democratic elections. After this, I can't imagine going back into relationships that we know are fake. The Assembly of Serbia held two regular sessions, the parliamentary system was completely destroyed. If the highest legislative body of this country is not in session, where is the dialogue? In Pink's studio?
They think it's still possible, but they've miscalculated. The pendulum has swung the other way and it is impossible to come back. We are facing a crisis of the peaceful handover of power, the dispossession of the Serbian Progressive Party and Vučić. I don't know how long it will last. And the role of European officials is largely shameful. That cooperation with them where he gives them everything, "so let's take this more, and then we'll talk about democracy". But it seems to me that this is also slowly changing with the arrival of Tonino Pizzula and Kaya Callas.
Do you think that international support is necessary for change??
We will have to, for the most part, fight on our own. That's good for us, we'll be less in debt. They don't have to support us much - they just have to stop supporting him.
Arrests out of the blue, banishment from the country, beatings... All this happened to us in the last week alone. The Serbian Progressive Party, born from the foam left behind by their spiritual father Vojislav Šešelj, is returning to its roots. I can't escape from myself
"The levers of power are not in their hands," said Bishop Grigorije. "But there is something in the Holy Scriptures that I like very much, and that is that the power of God is revealed in weakness. So, all worldly power is on one side. And on the other side, in the hands of these young men and women is the weakness of this world. But in their weakness, the power of God or God's justice appears. That is why they are at such a great advantage."
The regime and its media have been trumpeting the "civil war" for months, and the government is the only one that has a patent for peace and stability - of course, with the help of the propaganda machine and the use of force. "It is a propaganda tactic of SNS that says: 'violence is everywhere, terrorists surround us, but we are here to save you,'" explains communication professor Jelena Kleut for "Vreme".
Students and citizens who accompany them on these walking feats, were welcomed as the most native together with those who came the day before from other places. A dove of peace was also released on the stage next to the promenade along the river - this symbolic gesture of the two students is the most impressive gesture of understanding and respect between the Bosniak and Serbian peoples since the end of the wars in the former Yugoslavia
The three-day parliament for the promotion of Aleksandar Vučić and his Movement for the People and the State was realistically a fiasco. But it was first of all conceived as a media spectacle for regime television directed by court promoter Željko "DJ Žeks" Mitrović, with scenography and iconography adapted to the Serbian political market.
Anyone who condemns the regime's targeting of people from the media, the non-governmental sector, the opposition and universities, must not agree to this targeting of RTS editors and journalists either.
The government of Đur Mazut is "counter-revolutionary", focused on retaliation and state and street violence against opponents of the regime
Depriving Dejan Ilić, an intellectual with an impeccable life and work biography, of his freedom, without the slightest meaningful reason, is just one of the brutal indicators that the regime has turned against its own citizens and is entering a phase of terror
Vučić and Šešelj: Where I stopped, you continue
The return of radical violence subscribeThe archive of the weekly Vreme includes all our digital editions, since the very beginning of our work. All issues can be downloaded in PDF format, by purchasing the digital edition, or you can read all available texts from the selected issue.
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