Priebe's reports, conducted in two neighboring countries, have proven to be useful tools for evaluating and guiding reforms, providing clear guidelines for improvement in key areas. However, their success largely depends on the political will and ability of countries to implement the necessary, deep and sustainable reforms. Knowing that the local authorities lack political will, what should citizens and the international community do with Priebe's team's evaluations?
After the adoption of the resolution of the European Parliament on the elections in Serbia on February 8, the initiative to send an expert mission obviously attracted the most attention. Namely, in the fifth point of this Resolution, the European Parliament "calls on the European Commission to launch an initiative to send an expert mission to Serbia in order to assess the situation in connection with the recent elections and the development of the post-election situation in order to facilitate the preconditions for establishing the necessary social dialogue in order to restore trust public and trust in institutions, and to assess and address systematic issues of the rule of law in Serbia, taking as an example Private reports.
Neither experts, nor civil society, nor the opposition question the importance of the arrival of such a mission in our public opinion. They seem to agree that the mission, and the report that would follow, would bring Serbia closer to democratic changes. This perspective is correct in principle, but in order for the report itself to contribute to democratic processes, it is necessary to understand what kind of scope it had before, in what contexts, and that other democratic actors must do their part.
photo: ap / dragan perkovski...and Nikola Gruevski, 2016.
NEIGHBORHOOD EXPERIENCES
The Priebe reports are named after Reinhard Priebe, an experienced German lawyer who led the European Union's expert teams tasked with assessing judicial systems and fighting corruption in countries aspiring to EU membership. These reports are known for not using diplomatic vocabulary, and provide detailed analysis and recommendations for reforms in key areas such as the rule of law, judicial independence, the fight against corruption and organized crime, free and fair elections or media freedom. The assumption is that in Serbia, the expert mission will focus more on the manipulations during the elections, but - given that they include a wide range of other problems - it will not be able to bypass other areas either.
Priebe's team was first hired in 2015 to assess the political crisis in Macedonia, focusing on the judicial system and the media. At the time, he pointed to serious shortcomings in the judicial system, political polarization, control of the media and the presence of corruption. As a result, the report recommended a series of reforms, which have been partially implemented and led to improvements in certain areas, including an overhaul of the judicial system and the strengthening of media freedom.
Pribe's report for Bosnia and Herzegovina, made during 2019, analyzed in detail the judicial system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the challenges in the fight against corruption and recommended concrete steps for reforms. It was part of the broader efforts of the European Union to support the reform process in Bosnia and Herzegovina and strengthen the rule of law as a key element in starting the process of European integration.
In the countries that were the subject of the Pribe report, progress was noted in implementing the recommended reforms, although the degree of success varied. Judicial reforms, the fight against corruption and improving media freedom were among the key areas where some progress was made. It is important to emphasize that in the case of Macedonia, Pribe's mission came amid political crisis, protests and a major wiretapping scandal that had already upset the public. Many see this report as a help in democratic changes, but without the domestic public who presented the changes, it would not have had results. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, it served more to better trace the path to the EU, in order to start the candidacy process, in which key reforms have yet to take place.
Thus, although the reports provided a positive impetus for reforms, the slowness of implementation and the lack of political will in some cases led to a lack of results. Issues such as deep political polarization, resistance to change within the justice system, and the continued presence of corruption continue to pose challenges in these countries.
Pribe reports have proven to be useful tools for evaluating and guiding reforms, providing clear guidance for improvement in key areas. However, their success largely depends on the political will and ability of countries to implement deep and sustainable reforms.
ABOUT THE THEORY, REALITY AND HAVING A SPINE
The reasons why it would be good to have a Pribe report for a democratic country (although it is not made for such countries) are multiple. It would provide an unbiased assessment of the situation in key areas that are essential for the European integration process, allowing a realistic view of the necessary reforms. Through detailed recommendations, the report would indicate concrete steps that the state can take in order to maintain fair and free elections, improve the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and the effectiveness of the fight against corruption. The publication of such a report should serve as an incentive for the government to undertake the necessary reforms by raising awareness of the importance and urgency of these issues. The report could also contribute to greater transparency in the work of institutions, and increase responsibility in the implementation of reforms. By demonstrating commitment to reforms and openness to international evaluation, the authorities could increase citizens' trust in the process of European integration and in the institutions of the system. The Pribe report could also serve as a basis for obtaining additional support and advice from the EU and other international partners in the reform process.
In essence, the Pribe report has the potential to be a valuable instrument for identifying key challenges and encouraging comprehensive reforms that are necessary to progress towards EU membership and to achieve improvements in quality of life and the rule of law in the country.
When we take into account the situation in Serbia, we are faced with reality, including problems in the implementation of the recommendations of such reports. One of the main challenges is the lack of political will among the current authorities to undertake the necessary reforms, especially in areas that could weaken their control or influence. Without a firm commitment to reforms, it is difficult to expect significant changes.
The challenges in maintaining the independence of the judicial system and preventing political influence on the courts and prosecutor's offices are significant. Reforms that would focus on strengthening the independence of the judicial system have already encountered resistance from the authorities, and it is unlikely that such recommendations would be implemented.
All previous reports, including the reports of the European Commission, the ODIHR reports on the elections, those of international organizations and the like, pointed to restrictions on media freedom and pressure on journalists and media that criticize the government. Changes in this area require political will and democratic government, and only then a systemic approach and reform of media laws.
Finally, the same is required by all the other topics that such a report would cover - corruption, manipulation during the election process, attacks on civil society and any criticism, impact on regional stability. The citizens of this country should look at the bigger picture, but the international community should also see if this government wants to solve the problems or if it actually sustains itself by usurping them. A report similar to Priebe's could undoubtedly help with just that.
The very implementation of the report's recommendations would require a comprehensive approach that includes legislative changes, institutional strengthening and a cultural change in the way the country is governed. It would also require the strong support and engagement of the international community, as well as the active participation of citizens and civil society in the struggle for democracy. In the end, neither the international expert group nor its report can bring us democracy. They can be a tailwind, but we have to provide the back – or, rather, the backbone – ourselves.
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The students' decision to submit a request to the regime for the dissolution of the state parliament and the calling of extraordinary republican elections did not fall from Mars. This option has been vigorously discussed at plenums for a long time, and the matter was cut short when it became clear to everyone, but absolutely everyone, that the government not only does not want to fulfill the students' demands, but responds to the political crisis with ever stronger repression and increasingly dirty propaganda. And when no one could dispute the fact that the regime is the generator of all social and political anomalies, and that thanks to it the Novi Sad canopy hangs over the head of every citizen of this country
What is the interest among the highest university workers for direct participation in politics, on the "student list", if extraordinary parliamentary elections were called in Serbia
The call for elections is a call to the regime, and it remains to be seen whether there will also be a student call to everyone else for a social agreement on how to oppose the regime in future elections. They can be announced unexpectedly quickly, and may not be there before some "regular appointment" unless there is extremely strong pressure on the street.
Maybe the correct version is that Aleksandar Vučić got sick and that's why he returned to the country. But the whole thing still leaves a lot of open questions. To begin with, why did the president of our country go to a donor evening intended for the internal political goals of another country? Why did he go to an event where you can't get in unless you donate money? And who called him? If this soap opera is seen as an isolated event, outside of the domestic context, it really is something that escapes common sense.
Without understanding the evil that has been done in our immediate history in the last three, four decades, it would be partial and hypocritical. It's too late for what happened six months ago, everything now is compensation. If we do not come to a serious confrontation with the past, with a strong program of creating a non-violent society, the changes will have a short life. And in that change, the parents of the murdered children could be ambassadors of the normalization process of this society. They are ready for that role and it would be good if the students also included them in their debates, to understand what happened and what are the ways of coping
The regime's retaliation will be dire if the resistance falters. Now they want to imprison the people who talked about overthrowing the government because they were supposedly overthrowing the state. But the state was hijacked and overthrown by the regime a long time ago
The Ministry of Public Investment submitted a request for a building permit for the construction of a new building for the Belgrade Philharmonic. Given that it is known that the project is too expensive and that there is no money for it, it seems that this too is just another colorful lie
The knee-jerk Supreme Being trusts in the local elections in Kosjerić and Zaječar. It must not be forgotten that for 13 years he poured heavy poisons, especially in the province, and that detoxification is a long and painful process.
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Is it true what the oppositionists, but also political analysts, not only domestic ones, claim, that after the European Parliament's Resolution on Serbia, the progressive election frauds and the catastrophic state of democracy in our unfortunate country - nothing will be the same again? It probably is, but even if this document represents, as some say, "the beginning of the end of the Serbian Progressive Party", it does not mean that the end of the agony we are living in is already around the next corner and that everything will pass without serious turbulence.
How will the latest Resolution of the European Parliament on the situation in Serbia affect Serbia's credit rating and borrowing in 2024? This is an important question, because Serbia is facing a period of significant public investments. The share of investment in GDP is projected to be around 26,5 percent in 2024/2025. year, which is an increase from 18,2 percent in the period 2010-2019. year. As is known, public investments in Serbia are mostly financed by borrowing, which depends on the country's credit rating. The credit rating is most affected by political or economic instability. The resolution cannot destabilize the situation in Serbia, but it announces that a future one may be able to
The media controlled by the regime, as usual, reported with one voice: The EP resolution is a null matter, but it represents an attack on the sovereignty of freedom-loving Serbia (so null and such a threat?), and Serbia recorded a huge diplomatic victory in New York. Of course, those who publish this know that it is something, but now it is a PR plan from Vučić's cabinet and you just have to follow it. And what is the reality and the actual situation on the ground
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