The messages from the protest rally show that there are no more doubts and confusion among citizens, they have recognized where and how problems in society and the state are generated and have become resistant to cheap tricks. It is clear to everyone, not only in principle but also in details, that behind the regime's big words and the entire mechanization of memory loss and violence, behind the killing of the institutional and constitutional order, there is nothing but theft of historical proportions. And it is clear that such a state is dangerous to life
It's really not a problem to use the slightly worn-out adjective "magnificent" for the rally that was held in Belgrade Celebrate on Sunday. What because of the vastness abundance, which because of the messages sent from it, the organization of the gathering, the active participation of the most diverse social groups and strata and the dignified behavior of all gathered... The protest is a festive gift to the citizens of Serbia from the citizens of Serbia: it, complete with the rebellion of the youth, restores hope that it is possible to get out from the impasse into which the state and society have fallen under the leadership Aleksandar Vučić.
Let's start from the back. There is no doubt that the authorities thought of including their own hooligans at the meeting, according to earlier patterns, so that tensions were created within it, which would later be used for propaganda purposes. But they knew it wouldn't work, for a number of reasons. First, the pattern has long been known to the organizers and everyone else, antibodies against the provocateurs have been created, and even the bravest among the "criminals" would not dare to infiltrate such a large mass of determined citizens who know how to be greedy.
There is another problem here. The government is not sure who it can fully count on at the moment. They even for the so-called the guardians of the party, those picturesque characters who protect the premises of the SNS in Belgrade and Novi Sad, have a hard time animating the "ordinary" members, but the work has to be done by the officials and their tycoons and tycoons, in order to do the money they have earned through various shenanigans. This is more or less the case with those who provoked citizens and attacked them during the tribute to the victims of Novi Sad. Those who received only crumbs from the table of the mega-greedy are not too ready to take risks. In the end, they supported Vučić to the greatest extent because it was the line of least resistance.
In this connection, there is another problem of the progressives: we have not heard that the government is announcing, not even in the slightest, some kind of counter rally, because it knows very well that it would be a complete fiasco, much bigger than the recent tragicomic counter-gathering of citizens who were brought in from all parts of Serbia. in Belgrade last year, on May 26.
THE POTENTIAL OF ORGANIC PROTESTS
Unlike the previous ones, this protest was jointly organized by legitimate representatives of various social groups and strata, from student organizations, opposition parties, trade union representatives, environmental activist groups, artistic associations, to farmers. "Organize" is perhaps not a good enough word, because protests in Serbia have become unique perpetuum mobile, it seems that it is enough just to announce it well and design it, and then it is born by itself. This creates an additional problem for the government, because the rebellion has become completely spontaneous, a product of collective intelligence, there is no brain trust behind it that can be directly influenced or tracked by various "spyware". Protests have become, so to speak, an organic thing, and for the first time they show the potential to turn into something that could be called a general, collective strike, in which all professions that have preserved their self-respect would be included.
The messages from the meeting show that there are no more doubts and confusion among the citizens, they have recognized where and how problems in society and the state are generated and have become resistant to cheap tricks. It is clear to everyone, not only in principle but also in details, that behind the regime's big words and the entire mechanization of memory loss and violence, behind the killing of institutional and constitutional order, there is only and only theft of historical proportions. And it is clear that such a state is dangerous to life.
An imposing culture of resistance was created, which testifies to its strength: the language of rebellion is renewed and creative, it is not just phrases that we all, whether we wanted to admit it or not, have been repeating for a decade or so. As much as frazetines are based on facts, they simultaneously express lack of ideas and helplessness. This is not the case now, young people renewed the language, made it strong and exciting, creating a culture of resistance that could, at least it seems, overcome the culture of resistance to the Milošević regime.
THE SITUATION ON THE FIELD
The more he appears in public, the more Vučić looks like to a good part of that public village circus performer, and not as some kind of dangerous omnipotent leader. Of course, his performances are not even aimed at the critical part of the public, but their aim is to show his electorate that he is still a person who is unassailable and infinitely strong, like a captain whose ship is sinking and he is telling the passengers through all possible loudspeakers, to the plank strengthened, he claims - everything is fine, we will patch up these holes and move on. Just because propaganda gimmicks have worked well in the last 12-odd years doesn't mean they'll be forever young and effective. Propaganda also grows old, hardens, loses its power, especially if it does not change and is based exclusively on lies and innuendo. And they can't change it even if they want to, they don't have the capacity to do so.
The conciliatory tones of Vučić have, of course, no authenticity, they are part of the same corpus of propaganda nonsense. Let's say, the fact that he "admitted" that the rally in Slavija was big was just a ploy to repeat the incorrect information that the MUP announced, that between 28000 and 29000 people gathered at the rally, not at least one hundred thousand. This is in line with the other "precise" numbers he rattles off every day, which must not be rounded, because they lose their power. A kind of miracle happened, the citizens of Serbia were taught political and media literacy by those who are the biggest enemies of literacy as such. "Inform” and other media outlets have realistically done more on that issue than all of us from the independent media combined, plus non-governmental organizations. The regime's media is the main literature for citizens who, during all these years, got their doctorates on the topic of disinformation, manipulation, primitive propaganda and bigotry.
If the recent student protests are the crescendo of rebellion in the period after the tragedy in Novi Sad, i.e. the fall of the canopy and the gruesome death of 15 people, then the rally in Slavia was its culmination, and probably the culmination of the previous anti-Vuvučić actions in Serbia since she saddled us Serbian Progressive Party. They also represent a sign of solidarity of many citizens with students, all those who strongly support young people, overnight adults, sending them non-stop support, signs of love, enthusiasm and respect, for many reasons. A little of that, frankly speaking, turns into a kind of hysteria, and it is unrealistic to expect young people to solve dramatically large problems in society and politics by themselves.
It is certainly not impossible that in the near future there will be more protests than this Slavic one, if time does not cancel the enormous energy of the rebellion. The progressives are playing the time-buying card again, but even if winter spells sap energy, it won't go away. It will appear again, even stronger, very soon.
But still, it's not bad to stand on the ball from time to time, as Mehmed Meša Baždarević used to do, and take a realistic look at the situation on the field. The escalation of enthusiasm is understandable, but the following should also be taken into account: in this format, peaceful and civil and - as we said - dignified rallies, as well as student protests, can hardly achieve spectacular results by themselves, for the regime to fall like a ripe apple. . Vučić's government will not back down even if there are millions of demonstrations, and even if all faculties, all schools, and all kindergartens are blocked, as long as some parallel processes do not take place beforehand.
Some facts have started to happen, about which we have already written a few words. The massiveness of the rebellion seriously threatens the fear and perception of omnipotence, which are essential factors for the survival of authoritarian regimes. A large number of citizens who have overcome fear encourage others to contribute. Resistance can also become a trend, and this is related to the culture of resistance we talked about.
YOU DO NOT GO INTO POLITICAL AFFAIRS WITHOUT PARTIES
But in order for the government to end its career and hang up its boots, the protests must be so strong that part of the levers of power - such as the army, police, security services or part of the political authority - disobey the ruler. How realistic it is, judge for yourself. There is no doubt that the regime will be ready to inject a lot of money into this support, and it is in various forms. Mass protests and a general strike can lead to economic paralysis, which again allows for a change of government, among other things because capital is timid: if it is threatened, it will easily renounce the one who allowed it to accumulate. International pressure is also important. This is clear to Vučić and that is why he is ready to sell his son Danilo for international support, if someone asks him to do so.
If the pressure continues, and it seems that it will, it is certain that Vučić will see a way out in the special elections, which has already been discussed. The Serbian Progressive Party is a machine that wins elections, with, of course, all the irregularities that have been known for centuries, including the media darkness in which at least a third of the population lives. The question is whether that machinery has been damaged in the meantime. But even if it is, and seriously, it would be foolish to agree to the elections without serious negotiations and strong guarantees that they will be as honest and controlled as possible. There, a transitional government would be the only possible solution, it seems. Progressives will not agree to a transitional government and even regular election conditions. They know they will lose them. And then comes the confrontation with the truth.
The transitional government would be a serious sign of Vučić's weakness, which would further erode his authority and the pyramid of power, but it would also be a bone of contention for the opposition or critical or call-it-what-you-want public. It is not impossible to imagine countless problems in the agreements of who, on the other side, would enter the government. This would perhaps activate one of Vučić's strongest weapons, carefully cultivated all these years - citizens' distrust of political parties as such. And without parties, one cannot engage in political affairs.
Less than two days of blockade - that's how long it took to see how weak and powerless the public media service is, both from the outside and from the inside. At the moment of writing this text, it is the eighth day of the blockade, and the sixth that RTS is not broadcasting its program. They also seem to be facing a strike inside the house. And the essence of blocking RTS is not in what it publishes, but in what it keeps silent
In the months after the fall of the canopy in Novi Sad, the flames of rebellion spread throughout Serbia. The first protests started in Novi Sad right after the tragedy. The authorities responded with arrests, police cordons and intimidation, but instead of calming down the protesters, new protests followed.
The rector of the University of Belgrade, Vladan Đokić, has been the target of top state officials and regime tabloids for months, who label him as an insidious instigator of student protests, an opportunist, "the face of evil" and "the leader of the criminal octopus." How and why a rector became "state enemy number one"
"I'm standing in the cordon, and my daughter is shouting at me 'aw, aw, killers'. What should I do? If they ordered me - I would throw down my baton and bulletproof vest and stand on the side of my child," a police officer from the south of Serbia, who works as needed in the Belgrade Police Brigade, told "Vreme"
The recent formation of the Đura Macuta government is part of the regime's revenge and cynicism. This can be seen most in the "black troika" of new ministers appointed to deal with the parts of society that are the leaders and symbols of the big rebellion that lasted for several months, the cause of which was the fall of the canopy in Novi Sad, which claimed 16 human lives. Education, universities, unsolicited media and parts of the judiciary that refuse to listen to orders, either publicly, with announcements, or hiding behind legal procedures, should be dismantled. Those who will have no problem doing everything they are told, even reinforcing the orders with their own inventions, are chosen for this.
Ministers often call Vučić a class teacher. There is no joy or critical reflection in his classroom. Everyone has to bow their heads over the benches, hum and listen. What this is about, the reader sees on television every day
RTS is blocked, universities do not work, and threats, insults and calls to the prosecutor's office and the police to arrest blockers, rioters and terrorists are pouring out from the top of the government. The Serbian state has turned into a farce
Anyone who condemns the regime's targeting of people from the media, the non-governmental sector, the opposition and universities, must not agree to this targeting of RTS editors and journalists either.
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