Is anyone really surprised that Ana Brnabić is the president Assembly of Serbia, she lied once more and publicly, "on camera" when on Tuesday, November 19, at a press conference called for a shortcut, she said that the opposition had forged a signature when initiating a request for a session where confidence in the Government of the Republic would be discussed Serbia?
"I am scandalized," she said Ana Brnabic in front of the journalists, she pretended to be surprised by the fact that an opposition party, the SSP, of course, forged the signature of its member of parliament. That deputy is Sonja Pernat, until recently a member of the SSP from Zrenjanin, who two hours earlier in the same place, together with her colleague from Bor, Irena Živković, informed the public that she was leaving the SSP parliamentary club and that party because she "can no longer tolerate the cruelty" of Dragan Đilas and Marinike Tepić.
Sonja Pernat did not say that someone forged her signature, but that she could not believe that she learned from the media that such an initiative had been submitted, and that her signature was deposited and used as it is done in such situations: deposited signatures are used in order not to go "around" and collect on several sides.
Two more deputies, in addition to the two deputies who fled recently, reduced the list of SSP in the parliament by four deputies, so Ana Brnabić announced that now Miroslav Aleksić is the new leader of the opposition. Namely, his group has the most deputies. That, of course, is not true, but who cares: Ana Brnabić, for the umpteenth time, from the position of a high-ranking public official, uttered untruths and based on that tried to "spin a story" that should further weaken the opposition and disincentivize citizens. And what's worse, she announced, allegedly because of this "forgery", that she would not accept the opposition's request for a debate on confidence in the Government of the Republic of Serbia.
This preventive war with parts of the opposition was obviously carefully planned and the moment for action was awaited. This time, the day was chosen when the opposition, by blocking the Palace of Justice in Novi Sad, tried to pressure the prosecutor to speak out about the tragedy at the Railway Station, and to pressure the court to make a decision on the release of political detainees from pretrial detention.
MILLIONAIRE AND BILLIONAIRE
During that time, by shifting the focus of responsibility from himself, his party and party comrades, Vučić bought some time to catch his breath and see what to do next. Namely, his party looks like a monolith from the outside, but more and more often internal conflicts are raging, which are increasingly difficult to hide. A signal that something needs to be done with the party, of which he is formally only a member, was also seen when Vučić went to the party premises in Novi Sad two weeks ago to personally "encourage the membership". Neither Vucevic, the president of the party, nor other bigwigs, trustees were there - he himself, in the capacity of a member with a capital C, appears in front of supporters to tell them that he will not step down.
A few days later, on Friday, November 8, at the session of the Main Board, Vučić gave an "incendiary speech" in which he said that there would be no surrender, no withdrawal, but he also dragged out the unfortunate Boban Đurović, the president of the Municipality of Vrnjačka Banja, and dragged his publication of pictures from Dubrovnik . As a result, the bait thrown by Vučić was accepted by the media and it was quickly seen what the "president meant": it turned out that this progressive, unknown to the public, is very wealthy, enjoys traveling, lives "on the high side" and that he has much more than he thought. allowed according to reported income.
"Your pictures are disgusting, Boban, from Dubrovnik" still echoes in the rooms and minds of SNS bigwigs, as well as the message that "it's not enough for you to be millionaires, you want to be billionaires".
Since the campaign exactly one year ago and his performance in the "Šumice" hall in Belgrade, when he told his party partners: "Without me, you are nobody", Vučić has not dealt with the party he created after leaving the Radicals in 2008 in that way. In the meantime, the party is "bleeding" in Nis, Novi Sad, Čačak and Kragujevac are shaking - almost in all big cities and in all big committees, the struggle of intra-party factions continues. It is clear that it is not an ideological but a mercantile struggle: those who did not get enough are protesting, they are attacking local elders who have become millionaires from Vučić's statement.
While they are being "slaughtered" at the bar, Vučić sees the bigger picture and is not happy about it. As a cautious political animal, he knows how to smell danger from afar: he feels that despite the great machinery of propaganda, bare force, fake news and spreading fear, the danger to the regime comes from the people. Citizens are neither crazy nor blind - they see well how the progressives "locally" behave and live. Everyone knows that "Bobana Đurović" and it is clear to them that they did not acquire their wealth through inheritance or because they are great entrepreneurs. On the contrary - they are mere budget users who direct most of the budget into their own pockets or those of their business partners.
WAITING FOR RESIGNATIONS
The context makes matters worse. After the tragedy in Novi Sad, people feel better and begin to understand where so much theft of public money leads. When a newly reconstructed public building collapses on your head, which, by the way, pretends to be the safest place and will last for decades, it shakes your faith in the system and the state, which the regime here equated with Vučić. He somehow got rid of the "lithium pressure" only to find himself in an even worse situation - people began to associate him with the death of 15 innocent people.
This position is also bad for Vučić, who is steeped in the production and resolution of crises. Because how to explain to people that no one is to blame? He repeats in another public address on Tuesday, November 19: "Tomorrow I expect new resignations in the Government and in other places".
It is unlikely that any resignation will convince anyone that even after this tragedy, Vučić has decided to change anything in his way of management and that his "team" will experience essential changes. After 12 years in power, in which the country is somewhat richer because the whole world and the region were doing better, and Serbia has moved closer to organized crime and moved away from the rule of law, Vučić announces that he will be there for another two years, but, of course, in that few can believe it.
It is pointless to list all his untruths spoken from a position of power, so that these statements also serve to trigger an emotional reaction among voters. However, it is not heard that anyone from the "party" is making announcements in this sense. Vučić introduced such a reign of terror in SNS that even in this situation of terrible tragedy, no one appears or says anything. One could think that the bigwigs and millionaires from SNS are amazed by the results of their work, the outcome of feeding corruption, arrogance and ignorance.
If nothing else, there is no more talk of some kind of "people's state-building front", which he announced a few years ago. It was replaced by two things: management of the opposition with the help of a "foreign factor" and business connections in the construction of the Expo complex. He crippled the opposition last year when, with the help of sleepers from the Zavetnik ranks, he thwarted the formation of the "right-wing column", which together with "Serbia against violence" could make an even more serious result in the republican elections in December last year. When he finished that and rewarded Milica "vowed" with a position in the government and moved her family to TV Pink, he threw himself into the democratic and pro-European opposition. With the help of partners "from the west", he managed to tear it apart and in this way ensure victory everywhere in the local elections on June 2 of this year.
ARE YOU TOO?, BLACK BATO
The beating and torture of the opposition did not stop there. It takes place institutionally and tabloidally all the time and throughout the year, even to the extent that even the opposition members themselves can no longer manage in this kind of political game. At the same time, he opened a front within the party towards the only surviving founder of SNS - Bratislava Bata Gašić. He marked him as Bruta through his spokesperson on social networks – Vladimir Đukanović.
Gašić remained as the only active witness who remembers that Vučić was once not number one, that maybe he was not even number two. This is something that he cannot forgive. Just when "Bata's head on the stump" was expected, an accident occurred in Novi Sad and shifted the focus to ministers Goran Vesić and Tomislav Momirović, general director of "Infrastruktur železnica Srbije" Jelena Tanasković, but also to Miloš Vučević as the head of the prime minister's cabinet.
It could easily happen that Vučević, formally the most powerful man in Serbia (Prime Minister of the Government and the largest party), remains at the head of the Government for less than a year and is remembered only for the death of 15 people under the canopy. Even people with less self-respect than Miloš Vučević can hardly come to terms with such an outcome, so as expected he begins to "let his voice out" and demand something for himself.
Only Siniša Mali, Vladimir Orlić, Ana Brnabić and Darko Glišić were left for Vučić. Everyone else can change their mind, they can remember that they didn't agree with him on everything, or they can think that they deserve more than the boss assigned them.
Because of this lack of staff, new and new flyers are being sought: from parties, from TV stations, from universities, from theaters. However, for such a large number of "public performances" a more loyal audience is needed.