Representatives of the progressive government, according to the well-established matrix, toroču na regime media about another attempted coup d'état, violence against decent Serbia, an attempt to provoke conflicts and riots so that those terrorists on the payroll of foreigners would not take power by force... This time on Vidovdan, June 28, when students called for a big protest in Belgrade
Everything is in vain for them, says the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, because he has already defeated the colored revolution, it's all for nothing, it's over, the end, The End, they can do what they want.
He also mentioned the "stick of salvation". I guess he wanted to say that the blockaders wanted to provoke him to order the police to beat them so that they could run away whining, but that he would not do them that favor. Which is to say: he is afraid to issue an order for the police to free him from these tireless young people who solidly tear at his nerves and disturb his plans, because the policemen could refuse to obey, and the question is what kind of open use of state force against young people could start waves, domestic and foreign.
There are parastatal beaters at Vučić's disposal for such purposes, they will be on standby on Saturday, no doubt, just like on March 15, with a base in Pionirski Park, waiting for the boss's command.
The Ghost of Lazar Hrebeljanović
What exactly the students are planning for the Vidovdan rerun on March 15 in Belgrade is not known, they are hiding it from the public, they are just mysteriously announcing some miracles that have never been seen before. All that is known is that they want to call for early elections once again, so they are calling all citizens to join them, so that the response is thunderous.
And when other actors on the other side of the government are asked by journalists what will happen for Vidovdan, they reply in unison that they don't know, but that our students, smart as they have proven to be, will come up with everything.
This faith in the educated and justice-loving rebellious youth of Serbia would be touching, if it were not for the simultaneous hiding behind the twenty-somethings who found themselves in the dual role of both commanders and cannon fodder in this wave of protests against the kleptocratic government. While the students are shouting "follow me", the opposition leaders are inclined to command others to "charge".
If they really want to support the students in their demand for extraordinary elections, the opposition MPs should return their mandates and leave the National Assembly, and not give legitimacy to this convocation. Their confrontation with Brnabić and Jovanov is just as effective as the fight for change reduced to press releases and posts on social networks.
Chatter and fear before Vidovdan
Passing through the ranks of today's students in front of this Vidovdan Larazerv spirit, of course him as a warrior and earthly fighter for freedom, not the saint that the clergy made him into. Of course, the students neither grab the saber, nor call anyone to fight, but - let's introduce a little epic poetic pathos before Vidovdan - they step bravely, with raised foreheads and bare hands to meet the overpowering Murat who holds a baton in his hand and hope that there won't be too many wolves of Brankovic.
So that it doesn't happen later: "When you, brothers, are such heroes, where are the whistles, where are your heads, and you wouldn't be with us in Belgrade, to do heroism with the Ćacii, should we be in trouble?"
As it was, the curse of Lazarus reads: ""Whoever does not come to battle in Kosovo, nothing will be born from his hand: neither in the field white wheat, nor in the hill a vine!"
Size does matter.
Nobody here is going to throw any curses (except maybe Vjerica Radeta), or go back to the Middle Ages and invoke mythology, but let everyone ask themselves what excuse they have prepared for not going out on the streets of Belgrade on June 28.
Because, you can already hear explanations that it is not so important how many people will gather on Vidovdan to tell the incumbent government to call elections or to fight, that this will certainly not be its end but "the beginning of the end", that this screwing into the supporting walls of this state of screwed government is an ongoing process, that it is a marathon, not a sprint...
Yes, all of that is true, but it sounds like preemptive excuses in case it turns out on Saturday that Serbian society has failed students, just as it has failed teachers and professors and nurses and all those who raised their heads and voices against the illegitimate state, which then attacked them.
In this case, size matters, both morally and fundamentally and motivationally, for both sides: it's one message if a hundred and more thousands of people gather again to show what they think of Aca Serbin, and a completely different one if thinned-out ranks of citizens gape through the streets of Belgrade with sad whistles in their mouths.
A large number of people at this protest would give wings to the rebellion for the rule of law and against the autocracy, while a small or relatively small number of demonstrators would have the effect of toxic despondency, and on the other hand, they would encourage and encourage Vučić Pasha and his followers to further increase cruelty and lawlessness.
If the fight is ongoing for freedom, or against unfreedom, all the same, for justice and fairness, against corruption and lawlessness, then there is no valid excuse why someone who declares himself to be in that camp should not appear on June 28 in Belgrade and walk for a few hours, if he is not physically prevented. Regardless of the fact that Vučić and Brnabić rattle with violence, i.e. actually because of that.
If, due to conformism or fear of threats, the citizens do not respond to the Vidovdan call of students, there is no doubt that they will leave to be warmed by someone else's sun.
Observers
Assessments that this regime has already fallen, it's just a matter of time when it will happen, are not founded. Unless you mean a period of another ten and a half years.
This mode rocks well, but it won't topple over on its own. The waves would have to be both bigger and stronger. And they can be produced only by the citizens of this country, and that united, if they care enough about changes.
So far, Serbian society has done nothing to prevent Aleksandar Vučić and his beggars from living on teachers. Citizens of Serbia watch with folded hands as university professors are humiliated, insulted and forced to kneel before the sultan. They watch silently as teachers, nurses, workers, civil servants who dared to publicly speak out against the neo-Ottoman Serbian government get fired.
The descendants of princes Lazar and Karađorđe are listening as the new sultan of Serbia announces retribution at the universities, the removal of judges and prosecutors who adhere to the Constitution and the law, and not orders "from above", as he delights in killing princes in advance. They hear how Vučić promises revenge on all those who did not submit to him. They see thievery and injustice, theft and fraud, how the members of the parties in power get rich and run around outside the reach of the law.
Keep quiet and suffer.
The question that arises before this year's Vidovdan is whether majority Serbia is still a country of people with their heads down who mind their own business, who swallowed without resistance even the naked robbery of the Belgrade and Niš elections.
If this wave revolts against the injustice led by the failed students, if we let them down the drain, those kids will pack their bags and go somewhere better with a bitter sense of betrayal. And those who were with them will be humiliated and mistreated, accompanied by thunderous jubilation and berating of the President of Serbia
And all those who were just minding their own business in the onslaught of lawlessness will have their turn at some point. It is worth reminding here once again about the Protestant priest Martin Niemeler, who at the beginning supported the National Socialist movement of Adolf Hitler until the evangelical church became his target. Only then it was too late, so he ended up in a concentration camp.
He went down in history with his hindsight: "When the Nazis took away the communists, I was silent; because I was not a communist. When they took away the trade unionists, I was silent; because I was not a trade unionist. When they took away the Jews, I was silent; because I was not Jewish. When they took me away, there was no one left who could protest."
All that may sometimes sound like a corny phrase, but it's not. In the Serbian case, everyone knows everything, good citizens know about this saying even if they don't know where it comes from. The only question is whether there is enough courage in this society to resist it. And whether, in general, the majority of Serbia cares about that kind of freedom, democracy and the rule of law, the values that the students refer to.
