Hungary is in the middle of a political struggle the likes of which she has never seen before. Upcoming elections they have already been marked as one of the most important in the modern history of that country, but also as crucial for the entire right in Europe.
During the last 16 years, the position of Prime Minister seemed to be Viktor Orban unquestionable. However, corruption scandals and almost non-existent economic growth have dented his popularity. Party of the opposition leader Tisa Peter the Hungarian, which is not yet even represented in the Hungarian parliament, has so far the greatest chance of bringing about changes.
In Serbia, where elections have not yet been announced, but are expected, the political scene is following the developments in Budapest with interest, how Orban Vikor, a political ally of Aleksandar Vučić, will fare. The two autocrats often demonstrate friendship and alliance.
Who is Peter Magyar?
Dressed in jeans and a hooded sweatshirt, Peter the Hungarian has been shouting "Now or never" as he tours Hungarian villages and towns for months. He visited hundreds of places across the country, sometimes giving five speeches a day. The smallest village where he spoke has only 277 inhabitants.
Thanks to a campaign focused on the problems of citizens, he managed to build a powerful network of support even in the neglected rural areas where Orbán's Fidesz traditionally dominates.
The Hungarian promises to fight against corruption, fix deteriorating healthcare and education, restore the independence of the media and the judiciary, as well as reduce energy dependence on Russia and end Budapest's conflicts with the European Union.
He was an Orbán supporter until the scandal two years ago. Namely, his wife Judit Varga (also close to Orban at the time) resigned from the position of Minister of Justice, after Hungarian President Katalin Novak pardoned a man convicted of sexual abuse.
The Hungarian then founded the Tisza party, distanced himself from Fidesz and accused Orbán's party of corruption and political manipulation. In the elections for the European Parliament in 2024, Tisa won about 30 percent of the votes in Hungary and was second behind Orbán's party.
"Is this a sign of the end in 'Orbanistan' - a post-communist mafia state ruled by the prime minister's clan, as sociologist and former education minister Balint Magyar harshly assessed? Is the self-confident Orban threatened with historic political shipwreck? He who has successfully received confirmation of supreme power over an increasingly empty democracy every four years until now?" writes the German Spiegel.

Photo: AP Photo/Denes ErdosPeter Magjar in the pre-election campaign
Orban is not sitting idly by.
Although the polls so far favor a change of government, Viktor Orbán continues unwaveringly to lead the election campaign. The heated election atmosphere brings with it suspicions of manipulations and abuses.
In the past months, Orbán even changed the electoral law twice. First, he abolished the upper limit of election campaign expenses. Soon after, the government redrew the boundaries of more than one-third of the electoral districts, with opposition strongholds particularly affected.
In addition to Fidesz having long since secured dominance in the media, they have tried to buy electoral support through extensive financial benefits aimed at the groups of voters they hope to win over – mainly the middle class.
In order to mobilize less politically engaged voters, the party resorted to openly aggressive tactics. There is currently a smear campaign against Hungarians. They accuse him, among other things, of using cocaine. Unlike previous opposition challengers, however, the Hungarian has proved surprisingly resilient.
Among the means of deceiving voters is the "double" technique. Neither the name Peter nor the surname Magyar are unusual in Hungary. However, the candidacy of a certain painter Peter Magjar as an independent candidate in the constituency of Vas 02 is unusual, it is suspected of deliberately misleading the voters.

Photo: AP Photo/Denes ErdosViktor Orbán at the election rally
Europe is on pins and needles.
No member state has hindered the functionality of the European Union, its ability to take a common position, as much as Hungary.
Orban has become a kind of "bomb" for the plans of the European Union. Brussels and Budapest clash over issues of the rule of law, migration policy, the rights of the LGBT community, support for Kiev and sanctions against Russia, which is why Hungary has frozen billions of euros from European funds.
Orbán has repeatedly used his veto power to slow down or block joint EU decisions, including financial aid to Ukraine. Despite European outcry, the Hungarian government continues energy cooperation with Russia, and Orbán maintains close political ties with Putin.
The war in Ukraine occupies an important place in Orbán's election campaign. He often presents that conflict as the cause of Hungary's economic and political problems, telling voters that the election will decide whether he or Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky will lead the country.
In the propaganda materials of the ruling party, the Hungarian himself appears, who, together with the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, is shown throwing money into a golden toilet while Zelensky watches them.
"The prime minister's program can almost be reduced to one word: 'Béke' - peace. Orbán constantly warns voters that Hungary, under pressure from the EU, could be dragged into a war in Ukraine. He claims that Hungarian mothers will be spared the fate of burying their sons abroad, under foreign flags," writes "Spiegel".

Photo: AP Photo/Omar Havana, PhilaViktor Orban blocks aid to Kyiv
Right-wingers of all countries
Orbán's policy has a wide resonance. His approach attracts the sympathies of right-wing and populist leaders in Europe, including Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico, Czech politician Andrej Babiš, Austrian right-wing leader Herbert Kickl and German politician Alice Wandel, as well as the MAGA movement in the United States.
He also gained sympathy from the ruling Serbian politicians. Close ties with Russia and suspicions of election engineering are not the only thing that binds the authorities in Hungary and Serbia. The strongest bond is certainly the friendly relationship between Orban and Vučić.
The outcome of the elections in Hungary could have consequences beyond the national framework. Defeat for Orbán and his concept of "illiberal democracy" would be a powerful signal to European politicians - a potential blow to growing right-wing populist movements and a boost to pro-European forces.
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