Anyway, your legitimate curiosity is - how is it possible that in such a city ten dozen people get into the privileged position of de facto choosing the government?
At the moment of writing this text - Tuesday evening - in the middle of the desert of post-election surrealism, it seems that the main (only?) political uncertainty is whether a colorful Russian will be needed to rule the city of Nis - don't be afraid, it's not Nikita Mikhalkov - and who will need him ? Because, well, it somehow turned out that the "Serbs" (plus these local national minorities) at the intersection of all the southern roads and railways were divided half and half, so now we still have to see whose side the Russians will prevail on. And we, as it were, don't know on whose side the Russian will prevail...
In fact, he prevailed even before the election, and it was no secret to anyone. This brother and successor of Lermontov and Rachmaninov is called Perić Tihomir, and outside the bubble, the so-called. of political life, the Russian is exactly as much as you and I or Mario Vargas Llosa. Ali is the first man of the Niš branch of something called the Russian Party, which local laws recognize as a party of the national minority. And for the parties of national minorities, there is a special, discount census and some other benefits from the so-called niche. positive discrimination.
According to the still fairly fresh census from 2022, 121 Russians lived in the city of Nis - in fact, about two-thirds of those Russians are Russian women, as meticulously recorded on the website of the Republic Institute of Statistics. I can't explain this gender disparity, but okay, it doesn't even matter to the story. Of course, now there are significantly more Russians, for a justified reason more afraid of Putin's boots, and even more of the danger of being forced to wear one (so I assume that the strange deficit of men has at least balanced itself in the meantime). But those Russians don't vote in Serbia, and they have as much to do with the "Russian Party" as they do with your grandmother's Russian salad.
Anyway, your legitimate curiosity is - how is it possible that in such a city ten dozen people get into the privileged position of de facto choosing the government? Reduce the experience: Neither Niš nor any other Russians - except the one in the Kremlin - have anything to do with it, just as the Russian Party has no real connection with the Russians. It's all just a damn toxic combination of the electoral system and the so-called of multiculturalism, in Bosnia they would say "identity luka".
The "Russian Party" is, therefore, another one of a series of fabrications of the mafiocratic regime, and it serves to fill holes where it fails, as is happening in Niš. That is why her census privilege can be used so beautifully.
Of course, not all minority parties are "artificial" in the manner of the Russian party. The Union of Vojvodina Hungarians, for example, does not need fake Hungarians because there are still enough real ones (though, admittedly, fewer and fewer, which is a story in itself). That is why he exists "locally" as an autochthonous political force. So this time, like every previous time, he "took" the municipalities where the Hungarians are the overwhelming majority, i.e. Bačka Topola, Senta and Kanjiž (Adu is not because of a local political specificity called Zoltan Bilicki, once "yellow", now a progressive), which Vučević "admitted" immediately and without hesitation, my friends Vidojković and Kulačin were jumping for joy around the studio because we "They took three municipalities from them" (who?!), and for the millionth time I was overcome by a massive transfer of blame before the epic ignorance of the capital's media-political elite about Serbia, and especially about Vojvodina. Of course, SVM and SNS will remain in the coalition at all levels after the elections.
To summarize: SVM and the like are legally okay, because they represent someone concrete and real, but the "Russian Party" and the like are not, because they are "artificial"? This probably sounds convincing to many, like common sense reasoning. Only, the problem with "common sense" reasoning is that it is often just a collection of neatly worded general premises where everything is correct except the premise. Namely, nationality is not an "objective" category. It cannot be "scientifically" proven or disputed. Fascism/Nazism is historically the last doctrine to claim that nationality is a matter of biology.
Since we now know that it is not, nothing prevented us from going to the other extreme and turning the entire "identity" complex into a supermarket. And without a cash register at the exit. And now we have a wonderful gray area that the political bastards expertly abuse. And they still postulate themselves as "protectors of minorities", those who oppressed them from above.
In this sense, that unfortunate progressive reserve player from Niš, Perić Tihomir, has the inalienable right to declare himself a Russian and to organize Russian meetings with similar Russians from Gadžino Han, Donji Brijan, Gornja Vrežina and Prva Kutina where they will recite Road... sorry, Pushkin, drinking vodka, eating sturgeon and listening to Piano Concerto no. 2 by Segey Rachmaninoff. Tihomir Perić, a typically Serbian progressive minority; a Brahmin, so to speak.
Even if the Prosecutor's Office for Organized Crime does its job in the Nadstrešnica and General Staff cases, as well as many others, it is debatable whether the police will agree to arrest the suspects
Two men on two chairs symbolize the downfall of our politics, because neither Bajatović's Russians nor Đurić's Americans are now friendly towards Serbia. Admittedly, according to facial expressions, Russophiles are more apathetic. The third chair, next to Đurić, is symbolically empty, which tells us that there is no hope that someone else, say the Chinese brothers, will help us. What else does the picture "quiet walk" say?
Conserve and change are not identities; they are ways of being
Writing a novel is a completely exhausting experience for Rilke and after it he will not be able to write anything new for several years, he will live in complete agony that he has dried up and that as a poet he will no longer be able to create anything. Of course, he turned to Lou Salome for help, and she introduced him to Freud in 1913. None of these encounters bring him any help or relief. He remains in fear that healing would destroy his creativity, that "with the disappearance of his devils, his angels would also disappear."
Declaring that Vučić is the real target of the Prosecutor's Office for organized crime, Selaković almost alluded to the American anti-mafia law RICO - not only those who directly participated in criminal acts are prosecuted, but also those who were at the head of the organization that committed them. And it is known who leads the progressive government
The progressive victories of Pyrrhus in Mionica, Negotin and Sečnje turn the constitutional and legal order of the Republic of Serbia into a hotbed. With that, Vučić became an elementary disaster that affects all citizens. It's simple - the country has been handed over to the gangs
The previous days were painful for Partizan fans, the next will be the same. Their dream was taken away, once again with the great Željko Obradović on the roof of Europe. Now only one thing is clear - Ostoja Mijailović must leave and thus prevent even greater damage
The departure of the best European coach
Nothing is black and white except "Partizan" and Željko Obradović subscribeThe archive of the weekly Vreme includes all our digital editions, since the very beginning of our work. All issues can be downloaded in PDF format, by purchasing the digital edition, or you can read all available texts from the selected issue.
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Groups of citizens "floated" in many areas, some of which achieved incredibly good results with the help of sticks and ropes. This means that the citizens are not satisfied with the progressives, they just don't recognize the alternative. Of course, that's how it was imposed on them. It seems that the "classic", let's say, the Belgrade opposition has less success at the bar than the citizens' groups. And that is the message of these elections. After all, part of the December local ones as well. It is about the missing infrastructure of the big parties, but also the insensitivity of many leaders to the fact that it is possible to look at the so-called interior
Nis, its problems and people who deal with local politics are not seen on the public service or in the private media in Belgrade, nor is anyone from Belgrade interested in the local political scene. This is a message for politicians, but also for the media, for whom the world stops at the Ikea department store, as Dr. Milić once said
One thing is certain: in no larger city has the opposition camp come so close to those who celebrate certain victories with "No one can do anything to us". And the question is whether the effect would have been achieved at all if all those parties had acted together, as was the case in Novi Sad. Be that as it may, Nišlije walked through Serbia like Zona Zamfirova through the bazaar
Čačak was already flooded by cars with license plates of Kraljevo, Lucan, Požega in the morning hours of June 2. Phantom voters have arrived. There was also the "Bulgarian train" and other machinations that the progressives have been practicing in elections for years, as well as voters with addresses where the street number is 0. In the evening, the votes were counted. And the next morning the votes were counted. And the votes are still being counted, because requests have been submitted for inspection of voting materials and for re-checking of invalid ballots. Only after that, GIK will be able to come out with the preliminary results of the local elections in Čačak
