Election roulette

Since Professor Dragoljub Mićunović agreed to be the presidential candidate of DOS, then he must have received a firm promise that the elections will succeed. Who could vouch for him? Well, let's say Čeda Jovanović, that is, someone from the DS who is able to ask the parliamentary majority to change the electoral conditions and reduce or abolish the electoral census.

What happens then? Then Labus and Koštunica express their deepest astonishment and disgust at the outrageous manipulation in Dosov, they protest, they are disgusted, and then both of them or at least one of them decides that in the new situation they have to reconsider the decision to boycott the presidential elections.

Many things were and remain disputed and irregular about these elections, as well as about so many other even more important things in this country, and the question is whether the elections will fix anything. The opposition generally believes that the wrong elections were called, that they should have been extraordinary and parliamentary, and not repeated and presidential, that the census should have been abolished beforehand and that those elections should have been called earlier, and not before the change of the Constitution.

It is true that the party scene has already changed significantly and that the representation in the parliament does not correspond to reality. Many parties exist only in the parliament, and one big party exists only outside it. But the DOS majority cannot be denied the right not to pay attention to it and not to agree to extraordinary elections. If that strategy turns out to be wrong, the bill will be paid by the DOS itself, in the regular elections.

I want to say that it can be argued that the calling of early elections was politically sensible, but it was not a moral imperative. The ruling majority was not obliged to immediately enable its former partners who switched to the opposition to return to power. Kostunica and DSS have shown that they have a hard time accepting the obligations and responsibilities brought by the government, and G17 plus became a big party before any elections, parasitizing others as an expert group, so Labus and Dinkić cannot say that anyone is their moral debtor.

Of course, in the meantime, the DOS also rumbled, split and partially collapsed. Corruption affairs, stupidity and transparent lies are not easily forgiven, and now the big question is whether it will really help Mićunović that the coalition will unanimously stand behind him. In those failed elections last year, Labus slyly presented himself as an independent candidate who, if that meant anything, had DOS on his side. And DOS was more beautiful then than it is today.

In any case, I think it would be best if Mićunović and Labus and Koštunica also appear in these elections. If that's the case, my favorite will be Mićunović, not because of DOS but because of himself. Namely, he is less party-minded and biased than others, more able to respect the other side, and therefore acts more presidential. I trust his word more than Labus's, and he is more politically realistic and less conservative than Kostunica. However, I would prefer Koštunica or Labus to be elected, rather than Mićunović becoming president without them participating at all.

The difference between these candidates is not cardinal, and now it would be very important to find someone who enjoys full and indisputable democratic legitimacy at the head of the state. It is a function that should symbolize national unity, and that is why it is better for the president to be elected in a fair game and thus be accepted by everyone, than to ensure that "our" man passes through various machinations.

In politics, where real power is concerned, there is not much opportunity to exercise any principle and that is why it is advisable to present to the people the appearance of respecting some universal norms and general rules whenever it does not cost too much. This is exactly what such elections for symbolic functions should be for, but the ruling coalition has already reduced the dignity of the election with all kinds of fumbling and slander, and now it will not be easy for Mićunović to improve the impression.

But, in the end, this is Serbia, things are going as they can, but they are not going very well, as we know. It is easily possible that these elections, instead of being a step towards sorting out the post-revolutionary chaos, will become another boring affair. What if the electoral census is still not abolished, and Mićunović remains alone in the race? What if it is only reduced, and it turns out to be insufficient? What if someone from DOS trips Mićunović? Or, if it turns out that Kostunica has decided to be permanently offended and continues to call for a boycott? What would Labus do then?

There is no doubt that DOS bears the greatest responsibility for any unfavorable outcome, especially for another electoral failure. If that were to happen, I don't see what we could expect from that European Feasibility Study. In Europe, they would have to conclude that Serbia is proven incapable of electing a president, and DOS would thus put the last nail in its own coffin. But part of the responsibility could also fall on DSS and G17 plus, which will depend mostly on external arbitration, say on the position of the OSCE or Washington.

If Massari and Montgomery judge that the elections are in order, then so be it. And if you are wondering why the words of these two are so important, or why you should vote when the government is in a completely different place, well... better ask yourself something else.