How many of us are there?

There is no doubt that the progressive regime in outsmarting the Students is finally deadlocked took the initiative. He responded to protests across Serbia counter-protests five weekends in a row.

The message to the wavering bribed, blackmailed or bribed supporters of Aleksandar Vučić through the regime media is that they are much more than blockaders-terrorists, that the anti-Serb protests have died down, that the colored revolution has finally been defeated. And that the current boss of Serbia will also decide their fates in the future, so let them do the math.

Calm or fading

There was silence on the other side. Whether it is the calm before the storm, whether some student mastermind is preparing a new demonstration of power for the anniversary of the Novi Sad tragedy on November 1, or whether the student rebellion against the anti-democratic regime has really begun to subside under batons, arrests and threats, is difficult to judge. Of course, the exam deadlines caught up with the students in September and October.

The battle between opponents and supporters of the government, the rule of law and lawlessness, good and evil, came down to proving who is more. Both sides refer to public opinion polls. Some give the announced but still imaginary student electoral list a superior advantage, others say that the Serbian Progressive Party led by Aleksandar Vučić is still invincible.

There is, of course, a subjective feeling among those who consider the participants in the government of the Vučić brothers to be the worst scum that has ever invaded Serbia, who are convinced that the bell has rung for them, that society has changed, that fear has evaporated, that they can only pay for support, that nothing is the same anymore and that it is only a matter of time before they fall to the ground with moans.

Numbers are very important.

In a situation where the opposition to the regime demands extraordinary parliamentary elections, without a plan and program on how to win them, and the government refuses to call them, although it is powerless to completely suppress the rebellion, everything, as we said, comes down to the projection of numbers. Conclusions about the legitimacy of the existing government are drawn from the number of participants in protests and counter-protests.

The number of people decisively affects the zeal in both camps, the belief that changes are really possible, that is, that nothing will change.

The number of protests by opponents of the government has a decisive effect on the attention of the Western media and governments, who no longer look favorably on what Vučić is doing, but who still have no will to do anything about it.

The commemorative gatherings that students and graduates have called for on October 1, when eleven months have passed since the deadly fall of the canopy in Novi Sad, is a dress rehearsal for the rebellious part of society, and the protest gatherings that will certainly take place on the anniversary of the prime minister on November 1 are the continuation of the fight against the progressive government.

If the mass is not as impressive as the one on March 15 in Belgrade, Serbian society will once again be dominated by apathy, as it was in the decade before the student awakening.